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Freedom is our birthright: the making of the national movement - class 8.

In this blog on Freedom is our birthright, we will talk about the making of the national movement. By the 1890s many Indians began to raise questions about the political style of the Congress. In Bengal, Maharashtra, and Punjab, leaders such as Bepin Chandra Pal, Bal GangadharTilak, and Lala Lajpat Rai were beginning to explore more radical objectives and methods.

They criticized the Moderates for their �politics of prayers�, and emphasized the importance of self-reliance and constructive work. They argued that people must rely on their own strength, not on the �good� intentions of the government; people must fight for swaraj.

Who said, "Freedom is my Birthright"?

Tilak raised the slogan, �Freedom is my birthright and I shall have it!� In 1905 Viceroy Curzon partitioned Bengal. At that time Bengal was the biggest province of British India and included Bihar and parts of Orissa.

The British argued for dividing Bengal for reasons of administrative convenience. But what did �administrative convenience� mean? Whose �convenience� did it represent? Clearly, it was closely tied to the interests of British officials and businessmen. Even so, instead of removing the non-Bengali areas from the province, the government separated East Bengal and merged it with Assam.

Perhaps the main British motives were to curtail the influence of Bengali politicians and to split the Bengali people. The partition of Bengal infuriated people all over India. All sections of the Congress � the Moderates and the Radicals, as they may be called � opposed it.

Large public meetings and demonstrations were organized and novel methods of mass protest developed. The struggle that unfolded came to be known as the Swadeshi movement, strongest in Bengal but with echoes elsewhere too � in deltaic Andhra for instance, it was known as VANDE MATARAM MOVEMENT.

The Swadeshi movement sought to oppose British rule and encourage the ideas of self-help, swadeshi enterprise, national education, and the use of Indian languages. To fight for swaraj, the radicals advocated mass mobilization and boycott of British institutions and goods.

Some individuals also began to suggest that �revolutionary violence� would be necessary to overthrow British rule. However, a group of Muslim landlords and nawabs formed the All India Muslim League at Dacca in 1906 and supported the partition of Bengal. It desired separate electorates for Muslims, a demand conceded by the government in 1909.

Some seats in the councils were now reserved for Muslims who would be elected by Muslim voters. This tempted politicians to gather a following by distributing favors to their own religious groups.

Meanwhile, the Congress split in 1907. The Moderates were opposed to the use of boycotts. They felt that it involved the use of force. After the split, the Congress came to be dominated by the Moderates with Tilak�s followers functioning from outside. The two groups reunited in December 1915. Next year the Congress and the Muslim League signed the historic Lucknow Pact and decided to work together for the representative government of the country.

  • October,26 2021

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The Christian Science Journal

Freedom is your birthright

By Jan Keeler Vincent

From the July 2021 issue of The Christian Science Journal

Does “Birthright” sound like an antiquated concept no longer relevant to our lives? It may, yet an understanding of it can be something of a game changer.

In the Bible, a birthright was a very important privilege that would lead to a position of power. Granted to the firstborn son, it gave him the right to succeed his father as head of the family and to receive a double portion of his father’s property. It also gave him a position of spiritual leadership. The Interpreter’s Bible explains, “The one who held [the birthright] should be the representative of the family not only toward men but toward God” (Vol. 1, p. 725).

A story in Genesis tells of a young man, Esau, who got caught up in the worldliness of his day and lost sight of and disregarded his family’s spiritual approach to life, their traditions, and the value of his birthright. One day Esau came in from hunting and wanted some of the stew that Jacob, his younger twin, had been cooking. Seizing an opportunity, Jacob said, “I will give it to you if you give me your rights as the first-born son” (Genesis 25:31, Good News Translation). Esau, seemingly indifferent, undervalued what he possessed, and amicably agreed. Scholars suggest that surely their mother, Rebekah, had other food convenient for them both to eat, but Esau ate with no regret for what he had just traded away. Years later, he lost another privilege—his father was tricked into giving Esau’s blessing to Jacob. 

Notwithstanding the revelation Rebekah received that it was God’s purpose for Jacob to carry on the spiritual birthright for generations to come, the story seems to suggest that when we give up our birthright, the blessings that follow, such as prosperity and protection, also become vulnerable. 

With the advent of Christ Jesus, and more recently Mary Baker Eddy’s discovery of Christian Science, metaphysical ideas have unfolded, enlightening human consciousness. Through these we come to understand that each of us, as God’s sons and daughters, possesses a birthright—a right to an understandable relationship to our Father-Mother God. Such a privilege is not dependent on birth order, gender, culture, or race.

Referring to each of us as God’s spiritual idea, or “man,” Mrs. Eddy writes, “When we understand man’s true birthright, that he is ‘born, not . . . of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God,’ we shall understand that man is the offspring of Spirit, and not of the flesh; recognize him through spiritual, and not material laws; and regard him as spiritual, and not material” ( Miscellaneous Writings 1883–1896, p. 181 ).

In the Christian Science textbook, Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures, she further explains that as spiritual ideas of God, each of us can experience the power of our birthright: “Man is not made to till the soil. His birthright is dominion, not subjection. He is lord of the belief in earth and heaven,—himself subordinate alone to his Maker. This is the Science of being” ( pp. 517–518 ).

Dominion, not subjection, sounds wonderful, but dominion over what? Our birthright gives us the spiritual sense to understand that we have dominion over anything unlike God, who is totally good. It enables us to reason out from God’s allness to counter the belief of living in two realities, two parallel universes—matter and Spirit. It empowers us to understand that we are not finite, trapped mortals locked into limitations, stereotypes, and statistics. Rather, we are God’s free sons and daughters existing at the standpoint of unrestricted opportunity, health, and happiness. 

Our birthright as the beloved ideas of God, infinite Mind, gives us dominion over, not subjection to, every kind of fear and dark thinking like discouragement, depression, cynicism, or “group think.” As intelligent Mind’s offspring, we have dominion over fears of disease, accidents, or an overactive imagination that worries something bad could happen to us or a loved one.

Claiming our spiritual birthright when confronted with financial decisions gives us hope and dominion over beliefs of a finite sense of good that create stress and threaten a failing income, unemployment, and homelessness. It enables us to understand that our divine Parent is infinite and is providing for us in superabundant ways that cannot be and are not restricted by human circumstances. 

As children of divine Love, which knows and cares for our every need, we possess a birthright that gives us dominion over, not subjection to, a victim or a villain mentality, an abusive past, or a toxic relationship. We have dominion over hatred, bullying, or harsh criticism.  

Our birthright as God’s, divine Principle’s, reflection, gives us dominion over, not subjection to, all types of evil tendencies, including pride, willfulness, sensuality, and harmful or self-destructive desires.

As spiritual ideas of God, each of us can experience the power of our birthright. 

Recently, I had an opportunity to claim my birthright in regard to my health when traveling in a developing country. We had been cautioned regarding impurities in the water and food found on this island. A week or so into our trip, I found myself struggling with the symptoms that had been described as related to toxic bacteria. 

As I prayed about this, I realized I had a birthright as a citizen of God’s universe to enjoy all of His creation and that I was free to explore, embrace, and enjoy divinity’s beautiful universe. I reviewed all the many kindnesses that had been shown to us on this trip and how aware of divine Love’s presence we had become. I mentally insisted that Love was the fact, was present, and that it neutralized any sense of or belief in poison. 

I knew this was the spiritual fact and that it was my God-given birthright to experience the effects of this divine Science. Within a day, the aggressive symptoms had evaporated from my thought and therefore my experience.

Mrs. Eddy declares, “Truth crushed to earth springs spontaneously upward, and whispers to the breeze man’s inalienable birthright— Liberty ” ( The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany, p. 128 ).

Your birthright, too, is liberty and all that comes with it—peace, health, vitality, abundance, hope, discernment, purity, and the freedom to live life to its fullest, to love and be loved freely. You can protect your birthright every day by acknowledging God and your relationship to Him in prayer. As the children of omnipotent God, we can be so very grateful that our birthright is forever established. We can be awake and alert and not trade our knowledge of God and His love for us for anything, and claim, protect, honor, cherish, and demonstrate our God-given birthright.

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'The Fast Track Guide to Turning Your Dreams into Reality'

Why Freedom is Everyone’s Birthright

December 28, 2018 By SelineShenoy 4 Comments

Why Freedom is Everyone’s Birthright - image yay-4937712-digital-1024x683 on https://thedreamcatch.com

The freedom that we enjoy today is hard-earned. Our ancestors had to go through all kinds of injustices and atrocities to claim their rights. Yet, many of us tend to take these freedoms for granted, and we trap ourselves in restrictions of our making. To liberate ourselves, we need to appreciate why freedom is everyone’s birthright and how you can make the best use of the opportunities that you freedom opens up to you. (Estimated reading time: 5-6 minutes)

“Life without liberty is like a body without spirit.” — Khalil Gibran

The word ‘freedom’ has been a mainstay in our zeitgeist. As our species has evolved, so has its meaning and significance to us. It’s worn many different faces throughout history .

Writer Vasily Grossman highlights this evolution in his book, Forever Flowering . He writes, “the history of humanity is the history of human freedom. Progress is, in essence, the progress of human freedom. And after all, life itself is freedom. The evolution of life is the evolution of freedom.”  

Today, we acknowledge that everyone is born free and deserves the right to live life on their own terms. We’re protected by laws and statutes, like the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights . Consequently, the majority of people in modern society enjoy a high quality of life because they’re immune to corrupt regimes that infringe on their fundamental rights.

The Declaration of Human Rights states that:

“Human rights are standards that allow all people to live with dignity, freedom, equality, justice, and peace. Every person has these rights simply because they are human beings. They are guaranteed to everyone without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status. Human rights are essential to the full development of individuals and communities.”

Why Freedom is Everyone’s Birthright - image freedom-you-quote-e1545898420993 on https://thedreamcatch.com

However, it’s easy for us to take this freedom for granted and ignore its fragility. To truly appreciate the value of freedom and understand its significance, we must reflect on the sacrifices, injustices, and atrocities that our ancestors had to endure to reclaim their rights. War and revolution was the hefty price they had to pay.    

The idea of freedom is complex. The past is full of tragic stories, and it’s up to us, the current generation, to honor those stories and redefine what freedom means to us. We must implement that freedom in our own lives, as well as grant it to others. With the exception of certain countries and communities , we all benefit from the collective freedom that’s been granted to us by our constitutions, as long as we’re responsible and abide by the law. 

Even though we’re aware of our basic rights, how many of us actually take advantage of the opportunities that our freedom opens up for us? How many of us are still held back by invisible barriers that curtail of our liberty, such as the expectations of society , culture, and family, as well as our own internal barriers caused by low self-esteem and a lack of confidence ? What’s the point of being granted liberty when we aren’t using it to pursue our happiness?

The truth is that we can never be free, in the real sense of the word, if we allow ourselves to stay trapped in fear . If we succumb to that fear, we remain in dead-end jobs and relationships that prevent us from pursuing what we truly desire, or we don’t speak up for ourselves and demand the respect that we deserve.

According to the 19th-century philosopher, John Stuart Mill, “individual freedom of choice and decision is vitally important in the carving of one’s identity and their sense of being.”

Why Freedom is Everyone’s Birthright - image freedom-birds-e1545898256424 on https://thedreamcatch.com

Claiming our right to freedom does not require that we run into battle or behead tyrannical monarchs. Instead, it requires that we claim it to speak our minds, express our creativity , and impart ideas and opinions that can enhance the lives of others.

If we are in a position of power, whether that that be as a parent, boss, CEO, president, or a leader of any kind, it means that we treat our subordinates with dignity and basic respect by giving them access to resources and the chance to progress and thrive in a safe and healthy environment.  

Freedom is important because to be free is human nature. And we are happy only if we are free. Without it, we wither away like a flower in the cold of winter.

Here are four reasons why we lose our life force when our fundamental right to freedom is taken away from us:

1. Our growth and learning are stunted: Growth is only possible when we have the freedom to explore and venture beyond the confines of our immediate environment. When people lay boundaries to contain us, our learning curve is stunted, and we stay stuck on the same level of performance. Learning happens when we explore possibilities and take chances that can move us to the next level of personal development. If we aren’t successful in our attempts, we learn valuable lessons from which we glean wisdom to improve and move closer towards success.

2. We won’t be able to discover our gifts and contribute: Nature has instilled within each and every one of us a unique imprint, which includes not only our personality traits but our gifts. We have all the skills, proclivities, and intuitive know-how to live independent, adult lives and lives filled with happiness while fulfilling our potential. To discover our gifts and passions , we need the time and space to engage in deep inquiry and to experiment with different options so that we can find what feels right for us and aligns with our vision.

3. Repression can lead to a life of regret: When we’re not given the freedom to nurture and develop our potential, we’re heading for a life filled with ‘what if’s’ and ‘could’ve, would’ve, should’ve’. At the end of our lives, we’ll only regret the chances that we didn’t take. This is a major driving force for me – it’s the fear of being regretful, that pushes me to knock down barriers and to take leaps of faith. The amount of value you attribute to your freedom is intrinsic and personal to you. If you see how important it is to your wellbeing, you’ll be more likely to fight for it when the need arises.

4. You’ll lose your sense of power and health: Every time we make sacrifices that goes against our natural state of autonomy and freedom, our source of personal power gets depleted . When the strength of your free will is at stake, so is your health. Intuitive healer, Caroline Myss says that “what drains your spirit drains your body. What fuels your spirit fuels your body.” Our vitality and health take a hit whenever we fail to take action to free ourselves from the shackles that chain us to the will of others. Not fighting for our rights makes us vulnerable to developing physical disorders, chronic illnesses, and other health complications.

Freedom is everyone’s birthright because we are, ultimately, explorers at heart. We are at our happiest when we can discover, learn, and create by listening to the whispers within us. Freedom is the elixir for happiness because it’s what our spirits need to soar up towards higher states of consciousness and fulfill their purposes.   

All my best on your journey,

Why Freedom is Everyone’s Birthright - image Seline-Signature1 on https://thedreamcatch.com

Reflection Question: Do you believe that freedom is everyone’s birthright? How do you interpret this statement?

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January 9, 2019 at 7:24 pm

Hey Seline. just thought I’ll share my thoughts on this. I think freedom means different things for different people. it depends on your views, your morals your wants and needs, and your upbringing. But everyone is entitled to freedom so long as their freedoms do not take away rights and freedoms of others! I have the freedom to be a Christian but I do not have the freedom to take away someone’s right to be an atheist Freedom applies to everyone equally- or at least I think it should! Great post!

February 1, 2019 at 5:28 am

Totally agree with you Samantha…i think that is what far too many people today are forgetting and losing sight of!

We all have freedom and by that right, we’re not always going to agree or see eye to eye and that is ok and should not affect how we treat others!

– Ang

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February 2, 2019 at 2:30 pm

Great points Samantha. Thank you for sharing!

March 30, 2019 at 3:08 am

Thank you for sharing your thoughts and unique insight to this topic. I enjoy reading your blogs and seeing what your thoughts and ideas are on the range of topics ou address. Thanks for sharing and being open and at times brutally honest with us when we need to hear something.

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Freedom is Our Birth Right

Introduction.

The Indian National Congress was a party of moderates till the 1890s. By moderates, we mean those who were dominating figures of the Congress party, and most of the decisions were influenced by their views and opinions.

They were the ones who believed that the Britishers are not as evil as they appear and they respect the classical idea of freedom and justice. So, we could achieve freedom if we work patiently, collectively, and steadily. So, they appealed through petitions, speeches, and articles. Some of the most famous moderates were Dadabhai Naroji, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, Gopalakrishna Gokhale, etc.

Around the 1890s, people began to question the working style of congress due to its moderate nature.

Young leaders like Bepin Chandra Pal, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Lala Lajpat Rai had revolutionary objectives and ways.

They condemned the congress party’s moderators for their “ politics of prayers ”.

They believed that we should believe in ourselves, and our strengths, and we shouldn’t just depend on the good intentions of the government.

They also convinced people to fight for themselves and swaraj.

Meanwhile, Bal Gangadhar Tilak came up with a new slogan

essay on freedom is our birthright

“Freedom is my birthright, and I shall have it!”

Bal Gangadhar Tilak Indian independence Activist

In 1905 Britishers divided the biggest province, Bihar, into two parts for their benefit. It then included present-day Bihar and Orissa.

The main purpose of the British government was to diminish the power of Bengal politicians. So, to do that, they segregated the Bengali population.

This segregation of Bihar led to mass protests and movements against the British government all over India. All these activities combined are referred to as the Swadeshi movement.

“Freedom is my birthright, and I shall have it!”.  Bal Gangadhar Tilak Indian independence activist

The Swadeshi movement encouraged people all over India to be selfdependent, to use the goods and services that are completely Indian, to promote our language, and boycott everything that was, directly or indirectly, related to the British government.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, a few prominent Muslim people came together to form the All India Muslim League at Dacca .

The league supported the separation of Bengal .

In 1909 the British government accepted the demand of the All India Muslim League to have a separate electorate for Muslims.

The Growth of Mass Nationalism

After 1919, that is the First World War , peasants, tribals, students, a few business groups, and women in a huge number came together to oppose British rule, which led to the growth of mass nationalism.

All this happened because the First World War changed the economic and political situations in India.

The war led to a huge increase in defence expenditure.

This made the government increase taxes on the common people and businesses.

All this led to a high increase in the prices of goods which made living difficult for people.

Indian businesses got huge benefits from the First World War as the demand for industrial goods increased whereas imports declined.

Which made Indian business persons understand the level of benefit they can make. So, they started demanding more opportunities to get better off.

The British forced many Indians to join the army for their benefit. They came back with many inspirational ideas about peasants' struggles which inspired everyone in India.

The Advent of Mahatma Gandhi

Mahatma Gandhi came back from South Africa to India in 1915 .

There he helped Indians in fighting for their rights in South Africa. Due to this, he was already a famous and respected leader internationally.

After coming back to India he spent his first year exploring India and its people to understand them and their problems in a better way.

Initially, he helped in the local level movements like Champaran and Kheda . He also led a millworkers' strike in 1918.

The Rowlatt Satyagraha

The Rowlatt act was passed by the British government in 1919. Which repressed the freedom of expression and made the police stronger.

Mahatma Gandhi and other prominent leaders found this act to be inappropriate and oppressive. They believed that no one has the right to take away the freedom of people.

To oppose this act, Gandhiji declared satyagraha on 6 April 1919 . Which was a nonviolent movement.

This was the first movement against the British government that took place approximately in all parts of India.

Rowlatt satyagraha was also an initiative to bring the Hindus and Muslims together.

The Jallianwala Bagh Massacre

1919 was the year when a huge number of hartals and movements were taking place and the British government used cruel measures to repress these movements.

The Jallianwala Bagh incident happened on 13th April 1919 in Amritsar . It happened on Baisakhi day. This suppression is an example where British officer General Dyer showed cruelty.

A large number of people were killed and injured in the atrocities done by General Dyer.

When Rabindranath Tagore came to know about this incident he showed his anger by returning his knighthood.

During the 1890s, moderators were questioned by the people of the country. The young leaders wanted to have more radical objectives and ways to fight against the Britishers. After the first world war, a huge number of people joined the Mass Nationalist Movement. The first world war brought a huge amount of political and economic changes to society. After returning from South Africa Mahatma Gandhi initiated various movements. Rowlatt satyagraha is one such movement that was started by him.

Q1. Who were Radicals?

Ans. Radicals were those members of the congress party who were extremists. They believed in self-dependency and wanted people to fight for their rights.

Q2. Which rights were violated under the Rowlatt Act?

Ans. This act gave unbounded power to the British government to suppress any political movements. This act allowed the police to arrest anyone at any place without any trial and can keep them detained for two years.

Q3. Who partitioned Bengal? How was it separated?

Ans. Viceroy Curzon segregated Bengal in 1905. Instead of aggregating it based on Bengali and non-Bengali areas. He segregated East Bengal and merged it with Bengal.

Q4. What argument did the British give for the division of Bengal? And what was the actual motive?

Ans. The British justified the division of Bengal by saying that it was needed for administrative convenience. But actually, it was done for the benefit of the British and its business class. They wanted to decrease the influence of Bengali Political leaders. So, they did this by dividing the Bengali population into two parts.

Q5. Why did Congress split in 1907? And When did they again decide to reunite?

Ans. At the time of the Swadeshi, movement Moderators were not in support of boycotting Bristisher’s goods and services. As they believed that it may use some violence. After splitting in 1907 congress was dominated by moderators and another party was led by Bal Gangadhar Tilak. Congress decided to reunite in December 1915.

Praveen Varghese Thomas

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essay on freedom is our birthright

Exploring the American birthright experience

B eing born in the U.S.A. is not just a matter of geographical location; it’s a birthright with unique privileges and responsibilities. It’s a statement of identity, a testament to the values of freedom, equality, and opportunity the country stands for.

Understanding the American birthright

The phrase “I was born in the U.S.A.” is a powerful affirmation of one’s American identity. It’s a declaration of belonging to a diverse, dynamic, and constantly evolving nation. It’s a recognition that one’s birthplace can significantly shape their life experiences, perspectives, and aspirations.

Chasing the American dream

The American Dream, a fundamental part of the national ethos, is deeply intertwined with the idea of being born in the U.S.A. This dream promises the possibility of prosperity and success to everyone, regardless of their background. It’s a dream that has inspired countless individuals to strive for a better life, to work hard, and to never give up on their goals.

Being born in the U.S.A. means having the opportunity to pursue this dream. It means having access to resources and opportunities to help one achieve their full potential. It means being part of a society that values hard work , innovation, and resilience.

Embracing American values

The values that define the American way of life are deeply ingrained in those born in the U.S.A. These values include freedom, democracy, equality, and justice. They have been fought for, defended, and cherished by generations of Americans.

Being born in the U.S.A. means growing up in a society where these values are celebrated and upheld. It means being part of a nation that believes in the power of the individual, the importance of community , and the potential for progress.

Experiencing the American tapestry

The American experience is as diverse as the people who make up the nation. It’s a tapestry of different cultures, traditions, and stories. Being born in the U.S.A. means being part of this rich tapestry. It means having the chance to learn from different perspectives, to appreciate different ways of life , and to contribute to the nation’s cultural diversity.

Being born in the U.S.A. is more than just a statement of geographical origin. It’s a declaration of identity, a testament to the nation’s values, and a recognition of the country’s opportunities. It’s a sentiment that resonates with millions of individuals, a sentiment deeply intertwined with the American Dream and the American way of life .

In the end, being born in the U.S.A. is about being part of a constantly evolving nation that values diversity, freedom, and opportunity. It’s about being part of a story that is still being written, a story that every American has the chance to shape.

Frequently Asked Questions

Q. what does being born in the u.s.a. mean.

Being born in the U.S.A. is not just a matter of geographical location; it’s a birthright with unique privileges and responsibilities. It’s a statement of identity, a testament to the values of freedom, equality, and opportunity the country stands for.

Q. How is the American Dream related to being born in the U.S.A.?

The American Dream, a fundamental part of the national ethos, is deeply intertwined with the idea of being born in the U.S.A. This dream promises prosperity and success to everyone, regardless of their background. Being born in the U.S.A. means having the opportunity to pursue this dream.

Q. What values are ingrained in those born in the U.S.A.?

The values that define the American way of life are deeply ingrained in those born in the U.S.A. These values include freedom, democracy, equality, and justice. Being born in the U.S.A. means growing up in a society where these values are celebrated and upheld.

Q. What does the American experience entail?

The American experience is as diverse as the people who make up the nation. It’s a tapestry of different cultures, traditions, and stories. Being born in the U.S.A. means being part of this rich tapestry. It means having the chance to learn from various perspectives, to appreciate different ways of life, and to contribute to the nation’s cultural diversity.

Q. What is the significance of being born in the U.S.A.?

Being born in the U.S.A. is more than just a statement of geographical origin. It’s a declaration of identity, a testament to the nation’s values, and a recognition of the country’s opportunities. It’s about being part of a constantly evolving nation that values diversity, freedom, and opportunity. It’s about being part of a story that is still being written, a story that each and every American has the chance to shape.

The post Exploring the American birthright experience appeared first on Due .

Exploring the American birthright experience

The First Amendment’s Shield: why Religious Freedom Found its Place

This essay about the evolution of religious freedom in the First Amendment explores the historical, philosophical, and practical reasons behind its inclusion. It highlights how the tumultuous history of religious persecution in Europe influenced the framers’ decision, and how Enlightenment ideals shaped their vision of a society where individuals could worship freely. The essay emphasizes the importance of religious diversity in shaping American identity and democracy, and the enduring significance of the First Amendment’s protection of religious liberty in modern times.

How it works

In the vibrant tapestry of American constitutional history, few threads shine as brightly as the First Amendment, a testament to the nation’s commitment to individual liberties. Central to its fabric is the freedom of religion, a cherished principle that reflects not only the values of the founding fathers but also the unique historical and philosophical currents that shaped the nation.

At the dawn of the American experiment, the landscape was colored by the shadows of religious strife and persecution that haunted the Old World.

Fleeing from the oppressive regimes of Europe, settlers sought sanctuary in the vast expanse of the New World, hoping to carve out a haven where they could worship without fear of reprisal. However, the journey across the Atlantic did not extinguish the flames of religious discord; instead, it kindled new conflicts as different faiths clashed for dominance in the colonial melting pot.

In this crucible of competing beliefs, the seeds of religious freedom took root. Inspired by Enlightenment ideals and the spirit of individualism, the framers of the Constitution sought to break free from the shackles of religious orthodoxy and create a society where the human conscience reigned supreme. Drawing from the wellspring of philosophical thought that flowed from the pens of thinkers like Locke and Voltaire, they crafted a document that enshrined the principle of religious liberty at its core.

Yet, the road to religious freedom was fraught with obstacles, and the journey was far from easy. In the hallowed halls of Philadelphia, delegates from the thirteen colonies grappled with thorny questions of church and state, struggling to find a balance between the rights of the individual and the needs of the collective. In the end, it was the eloquence of James Madison and the sagacity of Thomas Jefferson that carried the day, as they championed the cause of religious freedom against the forces of intolerance and bigotry.

The inclusion of the freedom of religion in the First Amendment was not merely a symbolic gesture; it was a pragmatic recognition of the realities of a diverse and pluralistic society. In the mosaic of America, where people of all faiths and creeds converge, the protection of religious liberty serves as a bulwark against the tyranny of the majority and the encroachments of the state. By safeguarding the rights of individuals to worship—or not worship—as they see fit, the First Amendment ensures that no one is coerced into conformity or compelled to abandon their deeply held beliefs.

Moreover, the freedom of religion serves as a beacon of hope for oppressed peoples around the world, a shining example of what can be achieved when the human spirit is allowed to soar. In countries torn asunder by sectarian strife and religious persecution, the promise of America’s First Amendment offers a glimpse of a brighter future, where tolerance triumphs over intolerance and diversity is celebrated, not feared.

In the crucible of history, the freedom of religion has emerged as a touchstone of American identity, a defining feature of the nation’s character. From the shores of Plymouth Rock to the streets of modern-day America, it has stood as a testament to the enduring power of the human spirit and the unquenchable thirst for liberty. As we navigate the uncertain waters of the 21st century, let us not forget the lessons of the past or the principles that have guided us thus far. In the words of Thomas Jefferson, “The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.” Let us cherish and protect that liberty, for it is the birthright of every American, and the cornerstone of our democracy.

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Guest Essay

The Deep, Tangled Roots of American Illiberalism

An illustration of a scene of mayhem with men in Colonial-era clothing fighting in a small room.

By Steven Hahn

Dr. Hahn is a Pulitzer Prize-winning historian at New York University and the author, most recently, of “Illiberal America: a History.”

In a recent interview with Time, Donald Trump promised a second term of authoritarian power grabs, administrative cronyism, mass deportations of the undocumented, harassment of women over abortion, trade wars and vengeance brought upon his rivals and enemies, including President Biden. “If they said that a president doesn’t get immunity,” Mr. Trump told Time, “then Biden, I am sure, will be prosecuted for all of his crimes.”

Further evidence, it seems, of Mr. Trump’s efforts to construct a political world like no other in American history. But how unprecedented is it, really? That Mr. Trump continues to lead in polls should make plain that he and his MAGA movement are more than noxious weeds in otherwise liberal democratic soil.

Many of us have not wanted to see it that way. “This is not who we are as a nation,” one journalist exclaimed in what was a common response to the violence on Jan. 6, “and we must not let ourselves or others believe otherwise.” Mr. Biden has said much the same thing.

While it’s true that Mr. Trump was the first president to lose an election and attempt to stay in power, observers have come to recognize the need for a lengthier view of Trumpism. Even so, they are prone to imagining that there was a time not all that long ago when political “normalcy” prevailed. What they have failed to grasp is that American illiberalism is deeply rooted in our past and fed by practices, relationships and sensibilities that have been close to the surface, even when they haven’t exploded into view.

Illiberalism is generally seen as a backlash against modern liberal and progressive ideas and policies, especially those meant to protect the rights and advance the aspirations of groups long pushed to the margins of American political life. But in the United States, illiberalism is better understood as coherent sets of ideas that are related but also change over time.

This illiberalism celebrates hierarchies of gender, race and nationality; cultural homogeneity; Christian religious faith; the marking of internal as well as external enemies; patriarchal families; heterosexuality; the will of the community over the rule of law; and the use of political violence to achieve or maintain power. This illiberalism sank roots from the time of European settlement and spread out from villages and towns to the highest levels of government. In one form or another, it has shaped much of our history. Illiberalism has frequently been a stalking horse, if not in the winner’s circle. Hardly ever has it been roundly defeated.

A few examples may be illustrative. Although European colonization of North America has often been imagined as a sharp break from the ways of home countries, neo-feudal dreams inspired the making of Euro-American societies from the Carolinas up through the Hudson Valley, based as they were on landed estates and coerced labor, while the Puritan towns of New England, with their own hierarchies, demanded submission to the faith and harshly policed their members and potential intruders alike. The backcountry began to fill up with land-hungry settlers who generally formed ethnicity-based enclaves, eyed outsiders with suspicion and, with rare exceptions, hoped to rid their territory of Native peoples. Most of those who arrived in North America between the early 17th century and the time of the American Revolution were either enslaved or in servitude, and master-servant jurisprudence shaped labor relations well after slavery was abolished, a phenomenon that has been described as “belated feudalism.”

The anti-colonialism of the American Revolution was accompanied not only by warfare against Native peoples and rewards for enslavers, but also by a deeply ingrained anti-Catholicism, and hostility to Catholics remained a potent political force well into the 20th century. Monarchist solutions were bruited about during the writing of the Constitution and the first decade of the American Republic: John Adams thought that the country would move in such a direction and other leaders at the time, including Washington, Madison and Hamilton, wondered privately if a king would be necessary in the event a “republican remedy” failed.

The 1830s, commonly seen as the height of Jacksonian democracy, were racked by violent expulsions of Catholics , Mormons and abolitionists of both races, along with thousands of Native peoples dispossessed of their homelands and sent to “Indian Territory” west of the Mississippi.

The new democratic politics of the time was often marked by Election Day violence after campaigns suffused with military cadences, while elected officials usually required the support of elite patrons to guarantee the bonds they had to post. Even in state legislatures and Congress, weapons could be brandished and duels arranged; “bullies” enforced the wills of their allies.

When enslavers in the Southern states resorted to secession rather than risk their system under a Lincoln administration, they made clear that their Confederacy was built on the cornerstone of slavery and white supremacy. And although their crushing defeat brought abolition, the establishment of birthright citizenship (except for Native peoples), the political exclusion of Confederates, and the extension of voting rights to Black men — the results of one of the world’s great revolutions — it was not long before the revolution went into reverse.

The federal government soon allowed former Confederates and their white supporters to return to power, destroy Black political activism and, accompanied by lynchings (expressing the “will” of white communities), build the edifice of Jim Crow: segregation, political disfranchisement and a harsh labor regime. Already previewed in the pre-Civil War North, Jim Crow received the imprimatur of the Supreme Court and the administration of Woodrow Wilson .

Few Progressives of the early 20th century had much trouble with this. Segregation seemed a modern way to choreograph “race relations,” and disfranchisement resonated with their disenchantment with popular politics, whether it was powered by Black voters in the South or European immigrants in the North. Many Progressives were devotees of eugenics and other forms of social engineering, and they generally favored overseas imperialism; some began to envision the scaffolding of a corporate state — all anticipating the dark turns in Europe over the next decades.

The 1920s, in fact, saw fascist pulses coming from a number of directions in the United States and, as in Europe, targeting political radicals. Benito Mussolini won accolades in many American quarters. The lab where Josef Mengele worked received support from the Rockefeller Foundation. White Protestant fundamentalism reigned in towns and the countryside. And the Immigration Act of 1924 set limits on the number of newcomers, especially those from Southern and Eastern Europe, who were thought to be politically and culturally unassimilable.

Most worrisome, the Ku Klux Klan, energized by anti-Catholicism and antisemitism as well as anti-Black racism, marched brazenly in cities great and small. The Klan became a mass movement and wielded significant political power; it was crucial, for example , to the enforcement of Prohibition. Once the organization unraveled in the late 1920s, many Klansmen and women found their way to new fascist groups and the radical right more generally.

Sidelined by the Great Depression and New Deal, the illiberal right regained traction in the late 1930s, and during the 1950s won grass-roots support through vehement anti-Communism and opposition to the civil rights movement. As early as 1964, in a run for the Democratic presidential nomination, Gov. George Wallace of Alabama began to hone a rhetoric of white grievance and racial hostility that had appeal in the Midwest and Middle Atlantic, and Barry Goldwater’s campaign that year, despite its failure, put winds in the sails of the John Birch Society and Young Americans for Freedom.

Four years later, Wallace mobilized enough support as a third-party candidate to win five states. And in 1972, once again as a Democrat, Wallace racked up primary wins in both the North and the South before an assassination attempt forced him out of the race. Growing backlashes against school desegregation and feminism added further fuel to the fire on the right, paving the way for the conservative ascendancy of the 1980s.

By the early 1990s, the neo-Nazi and Klansman David Duke had won a seat in the Louisiana Legislature and nearly three-fifths of the white vote in campaigns for governor and senator. Pat Buchanan, seeking the Republican presidential nomination in 1992, called for “America First,” the fortification of the border (a “Buchanan fence”), and a culture war for the “soul” of America, while the National Rifle Association became a powerful force on the right and in the Republican Party.

When Mr. Trump questioned Barack Obama’s legitimacy to serve as president, a project that quickly became known as “birtherism,” he made use of a Reconstruction-era racist trope that rejected the legitimacy of Black political rights and power. In so doing, Mr. Trump began to cement a coalition of aggrieved white voters. They were ready to push back against the nation’s growing cultural diversity — embodied by Mr. Obama — and the challenges they saw to traditional hierarchies of family, gender and race. They had much on which to build.

Back in the 1830s, Alexis de Tocqueville, in “Democracy in America,” glimpsed the illiberal currents that already entangled the country’s politics. While he marveled at the “equality of conditions,” the fluidity of social life and the strength of republican institutions, he also worried about the “omnipotence of the majority.”

“What I find most repulsive in America is not the extreme freedom reigning there,” Tocqueville wrote, “but the shortage of guarantees against tyranny.” He pointed to communities “taking justice into their own hands,” and warned that “associations of plain citizens can compose very rich, influential, and powerful bodies, in other words, aristocratic bodies.” Lamenting their intellectual conformity, Tocqueville believed that if Americans ever gave up republican government, “they will pass rapidly on to despotism,” restricting “the sphere of political rights, taking some of them away in order to entrust them to a single man.”

The slide toward despotism that Tocqueville feared may be well underway, whatever the election’s outcome. Even if they try to fool themselves into thinking that Mr. Trump won’t follow through, millions of voters seem ready to entrust their rights to “a single man” who has announced his intent to use autocratic powers for retribution, repression, expulsion and misogyny.

Only by recognizing what we’re up against can we mount an effective campaign to protect our democracy, leaning on the important political struggles — abolitionism, antimonopoly, social democracy, human rights, civil rights, feminism — that have challenged illiberalism in the past and offer the vision and political pathways to guide us in the future.

Our biggest mistake would be to believe that we’re watching an exceptional departure in the country’s history. Because from the first, Mr. Trump has tapped into deep and ever-expanding illiberal roots. Illiberalism’s history is America’s history.

Steven Hahn is a Pulitzer Prize-winning historian at New York University and the author, most recently, of “ Illiberal America: a History .”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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  1. Freedom Is Our Birthright Summary Essay Sample (400 Words)

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COMMENTS

  1. Bal Gangadhar Tilak: 'Freedom is my birthright', 1st ...

    The good of our country consists in guarding this - our birthright. The Congress has passed this Home Rule resolution. The Provincial Conference is only a child of the Congress, which submits to mandates of its father. We will follow Shri Ramachandra in obeying the order of our father the Congress.

  2. Freedom is Our Birthright: The Making of the National Movement

    In this blog on Freedom is our birthright, we will talk about the making of the national movement. By the 1890s many Indians began to raise questions about the political style of the Congress. In Bengal, Maharashtra, and Punjab, leaders such as Bepin Chandra Pal, Bal GangadharTilak, and Lala Lajpat Rai were beginning to explore more radical ...

  3. Freedom Is the Birthright of All Humanity

    Freedom Is the Birthright of All Humanity ... John Benson has focused our attention on such elements as the development of biography and portraiture, ... and their impact on later Eastern European politics in "Byzantine Political Ideas in Kievan Russia," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, nos. 9 and 10 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, ...

  4. Freedom Is Our Birthright Summary Essay Sample (400 Words

    Freedom is my birthright means that everyone has the right to be free and to live their life as they choose. It is a fundamental right that all people are born with, regardless of their race, gender, or other characteristics. It is a right that should be respected and protected by all. Yes, strength and freedom are our birthright.

  5. Freedom is your birthright

    Your birthright, too, is liberty and all that comes with it—peace, health, vitality, abundance, hope, discernment, purity, and the freedom to live life to its fullest, to love and be loved freely. You can protect your birthright every day by acknowledging God and your relationship to Him in prayer. As the children of omnipotent God, we can be ...

  6. Why Freedom is Everyone's Birthright

    Freedom is everyone's birthright because we are, ultimately, explorers at heart. We are at our happiest when we can discover, learn, and create by listening to the whispers within us. Freedom is the elixir for happiness because it's what our spirits need to soar up towards higher states of consciousness and fulfill their purposes.

  7. Freedom is Our Birth Right

    Freedom is our Birth Right - Introduction The Indian National Congress was a party of moderates till the 1890s. By moderates, we mean those who were dominating figures of the Congress party, and most of the decisions were influenced by their views and opinions. ... "Freedom is my birthright, and I shall have it!" Bal Gangadhar Tilak Indian ...

  8. Exploring the American birthright experience

    The American experience is as diverse as the people who make up the nation. It's a tapestry of different cultures, traditions, and stories. Being born in the U.S.A. means being part of this rich ...

  9. Freedom Is Our Birthright

    The right to freedom encompasses a variety of freedoms - freedom of expression, freedom of thought, freedom of movement, etc. - and it implies that these freedoms are not privileges granted by an authority, but rather basic human rights that cannot be taken away. This idea of freedom as a birthright is often associated with the idea of ...

  10. Freedom Is Our Birthright

    In 1919, Mahatma Gandhi gave a call for satyagraha against the Rowlatt Act( an Act which curbed the freedom of expression of the Indian people and strengthened police powers). He asked the Indian people to observe 6th April 1919 as a day of non-violent opposition to this Act, as a day of humiliation and prayer and strike.

  11. Freedom Is Our Birthright

    Freedom Is Our Birthright. Author: March 13th, 2021 . In 1890's many Indian leaders began to explore more radical objectives and methods of Nationalism. This was the Extremist phase of Indian Nationalism. The extremist leaders such as Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bepin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai criticized the Moderates for their politics of ...

  12. Freedom Is Our Birthright

    FREEDOM IS OUR BIRTHRIGHT: In 1890's many Indian leaders began to explore more radical objectives and methods of Nationalism. This was the Extremist phase of ... In this essay I will discuss which freedom in the First Amendment to the Constitution is most relevant to me personally. I will also analyze and discuss the significance of the Bill ...

  13. The First Amendment's Shield: why Religious Freedom Found its Place

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