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STARTING SCHOOL A Guide for Parents - PRESENTATION PRIMARY SCHOOL - Presentation Primary School Bandon

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STARTING SCHOOL A Guide for Parents - PRESENTATION PRIMARY SCHOOL - Presentation Primary School Bandon

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The Oxford Handbook of Modern Russian History

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Provincial Russia: Voronezh Province, 1861–1921

Chris J. Chulos, Assistant Professor of History, Department of History, Art History, and Philosophy, Roosevelt University.

  • Published: 04 March 2015
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While metropolitan cultural and political elites in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution regarded Voronezh and dozens of provinces like it as backwaters in need of enlightenment, the local perspective (on which this chapter focuses) was different. Despite the problems of pre-revolutionary Russia, educated society in Voronezh considered the province a model of the best the former Empire had to offer: an advancing economy, an accomplished cultural world and a distinctive local identity. In their eyes, the province was not backward, dull or dark, but the soul of what it meant to be Russian at the start of the new revolutionary era.

The provinces! How strange, half-contemptuous, half-derisive this word sounds on the lips of a Petersburg man of letters, a Petersburg official, a Petersburg lady….! To laugh at the provinces and to negate every possibility of life in the provinces has become the custom of every feuilletonist… Inaugural issue of Voronezhskii telegraf (1869) 1
It is well known that before the [October] revolution, with isolated exceptions, there was not a single breeding ground of culture in the Voronezh countryside. A.I. Gaivoronskii, Voronezhskii kraevedcheskii sbornik (1985) 2

Dark and Isolated—Stereotyping Provincial Backwardness

Alexander II’s emancipation of the peasantry in 1861 earned him the sobriquet ‘Tsar-liberator’ and launched the Great Reforms aimed at transforming Russia into a modern European power. As bureaucrats and specialists fanned out across the Empire as agents of change, they were often surprised to meet the resistance and disdain of provincial elites. The prickly observations in the inaugural issue of Voronezhskii telegraf expressed a sentiment widely shared among educated members of provincial society. Despite their modest resources, regional leaders had reason to be proud of their economic, cultural and social achievements. For much of the first half of the nineteenth century, local governments functioned reasonably efficiently and supported the development of education, theatre, publishing, literacy, agronomic innovation and medical services. Yet by the affluent standards of St Petersburg and Moscow, the provinces represented otstalost’ —backwardness, dullness and darkness. 3

Sensing the condescension of reformers in the imperial capital, educated society in Voronezh and elsewhere knew first-hand that provincial life was anything but backward. Like other provincial centres, pre-emancipation Voronezh boasted of private and government publishing houses dating to the eighteenth century, secular and religious secondary schools, a public library, a theatre and a government newspaper ( gubernskie vedomosti ). Officials in the imperial capital remained dismissive of regional achievement and leapfrogged provincial elites by focusing their attention on the peasant majority and the provinces they inhabited which comprised the majority of the Empire’s population and geographical territory. In doing so, Petersburgers sought to discover Russia in all of its multitudinous variation and diversity. At stake was the soul of Russia, the moral, psychological and emotional underpinnings of society and culture that distinguished the Empire of the Tsars from the rest of Europe. 4

By the middle of the nineteenth century, Voronezh had much to boast about its distinctive history. Located in the rich Black Earth region nearly 500 km south of Moscow, Voronezh was founded in 1586 as a fortress outpost of the Muscovite Tsars and soon it became known by local residents as the ‘gold mine’ ( zolotoe dno ) because of its fertile soils and rich forests. 5 By the early 1600s the region had earned a reputation as an untamed and rebellious territory settled by odnodvortsy (small landowners of peasant or petty-service origin), runaway serfs and refugees of the seventeenth-century wars of Ukrainian independence. The winds of the Moscow uprising of 1648 and the peasant revolt of Stenka Razin (1670–71) encouraged provincial rebels to take up arms against the Tsar; in the last decades of the century, Voronezh residents welcomed Old Believers as they fled persecution. The establishment of the diocese of Voronezh in 1682 marked the end of the old freedom and the territory was gradually drawn into the formal centralized system of government. At first attached to the province ( guberniya ) of Azov in 1708, Voronezh attained its independence in 1711 and took its final form in 1824 when it was divided into twelve districts.

Between 1694 and 1709 Voronezh was placed at the centre of one of the most important moments in Russia’s modern period: young Tsar Peter’s establishment of a shipyard to build the first Russian naval fleet. 6 The Tsar set up residence in the small town of Voronezh and quickly this backwater of southern Russia attracted imperial retainers as well as ordinary workers. Combining a strict work ethic with a hearty devotion to revelry, the Tsar’s behaviour initially offended the local population whose lofty image of royalty did not allow for debauchery. According to legend, Voronezh’s first bishop, Mitrofan, paid regular visits to the Tsar until he agreed to exchange his lechery for sobriety, at least temporarily. The friendship that developed between the two men eventually facilitated the canonization of Mitrofan in the early part of the nineteenth century that, combined with the construction of the naval fleet, assured Voronezh a critical place in imperial history. 7 Peter’s meanderings in the environs, however, also earned him a place in the historical memories of the many villages that attributed their origin to the Tsar. 8

Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Voronezh aspired to recreate aspects of society and culture in the imperial capital and even contracted the famous architect Giacomo Quarenghi, who already had left his imprint on St Petersburg, to design the archbishop’s residence, the clerical school and stables. 9 Location assisted in this endeavour as Voronezh benefitted from the favourable conditions of being situated at the crossroads of the Don River and an overland highway. The capital and its district cities became centres of economic growth and cultural development, as well as important destinations for spiritual travellers visiting the wonder-working relics of bishops Mitrofan (d. 1703, canonized 1832) and Tikhon (d. 1783, canonized 1861). The canonization of Tikhon explicitly connected the local holy man to the emancipation of the serfs and designated him a symbol of the new Russia. 10 In retrospect, Tikhon’s canonization set the tone for Voronezh’s history from that point until the revolutions of 1917. With one foot firmly set in tradition, Voronezh officials, educated society, clergy, urban classes and peasantry forged a new identity that embraced the Great Reforms yet cast them as inseparably rooted in local distinctiveness. Nearly 300 years after its founding, Voronezh residents were no longer wild and unruly frontier settlers but co-creators, even trendsetters, in the new Russia.

The life of Ivan Stoliarov (1882–1953) illustrates the impact of social and cultural changes on Voronezh residents and the contribution of provincial subjects to Russian history. Born into an impoverished peasant family, Stoliarov benefited from recent reforms and an ambitious mother who fought for him to receive the best possible education. Her primary goal was to end the cycle of poverty so familiar to her village. Young Stoliarov attended the local parish school where, again with the help of his mother, he developed a strong interest in reading. Upon completing his basic education, Stoliarov enrolled in the district agricultural school with the hope of one day being able to introduce innovative agricultural techniques to his fellow peasants. In 1905, with the support of a wealthy Voronezh patroness who was active in the Constitutional Democratic (Kadet) party, Stoliarov left for Paris where he won a place at the Sorbonne. Soon after the abdication of the Tsar in 1917, Stoliarov returned to Soviet Russia and began working at the Ministry of Agriculture. His training and competence, combined with his humble background, enabled him to work up the ministerial ladder until he found himself back in Paris as the Soviet Union’s supervisor in charge of procuring agricultural equipment for the upcoming collectivization campaign. Fearing that his prior involvement in the pre-Revolutionary Peasant Union might have been the reason for his sudden recall to Moscow in 1930, Stoliarov decided to remain in Paris and lived the rest of his life as an impoverished émigré. 11

Stoliarov’s life symbolized the rapid transformation of rural Russians in the post-emancipation decades, particularly the peasantry who had the most to benefit from the Great Reforms and subsequent development of the social, economic and cultural landscape of the provinces. He was neither alone nor unique in Voronezh which produced many individuals prominent in all walks of life, including the painters Nikolai Nikolaevich Ge (1831–94) and Ivan Nikolaevich Kramskoi (1837–87), the musician and impresario of Russian folk music Mitrofan Efimovich Piatnitskii (1864–1927) and folklorist Aleksandr Nikolaevich Afanas’ev (1826–71). As residents of St Petersburg and Moscow held onto their condescending stereotypes of the provinces they were constantly faced with the reality that the heart of Russia was neither in the cities nor in the countryside, but in both places. It was everywhere at once, and its composition was constantly changing.

If the Emancipation heralded an era of freedom from the most onerous restrictions of serfdom and focused the gaze of educated society on the peasantry, the Great Reforms promised the most radical transformation of society since the time of Peter the Great. Chief among the reforms were the Education Statutes of 1864 and 1866 which stipulated the establishment of primary schools whose noble purpose was to bring literacy to the people as a means of instilling ‘religious and moral notions among the population and to spread useful basic knowledge’. 12 To social optimists, literacy was the linchpin of modernization that would usher in new methods of farming, eliminate superstitious beliefs and help to create a civic culture through local self-government, courts for the peasantry and economic self-sufficiency. An undercurrent of patriotism flowed through the reforms with the ultimate goal of creating an enlightened mass of loyal subjects. The key institution for transforming rural blight was the zemstvo (established in Voronezh in 1865) which was to oversee the construction and maintenance of roads and bridges, the introduction of modern medical care, and the establishment of primary schools. 13

Secondary and specialized schools had a longer history in Voronezh province and both types provided new opportunities for commoners as well as the privileged. The oldest institution of formal education in Voronezh was the diocesan clerical seminary which traced its roots to a school for clerical sons established in 1730. 14 Between 1809 and 1837 three new secondary schools for men were added including one for pre-seminarians and one for the Cadet Corps. More specialized schools for secondary education and beyond opened in the 1860s, 1870s and 1880s and included four for women, two for men, one for medical assistants and one for the Kozlov–Voronezh–Rostov railroad. 15 Primary education in Voronezh dated to Catherine the Great’s 1786 statute on public education, but the education and zemstvo reforms of 1864 brought basic schooling to a broader segment of the population, especially the peasantry. By the 1890s, primary schools throughout the province fuelled the expansion of basic education and literacy with the annual growth of enrolments topping 10 per cent. In 1904, nearly 45 per cent of the 1,678 primary schools in Voronezh were run by secular authorities and they educated nearly 60 per cent of the 116,127 elementary school pupils. On the eve of the First World War, 66 per cent of the 2,360 secular primary schools educated 75 per cent of the 200,394 primary school pupils. 16 The overall impact was greater in urban areas where nearly 45 per cent of the population was literate, and half of this number were women. By 1912, literacy rates in the capital compared favourably with St Petersburg and Moscow with 65 per cent of the populations of these three cities classified as literate. 17

Demographically, the population of Voronezh grew at a pace not unlike the rest of provincial Russia between 1865 and 1913, increasing by 81 per cent to reach 3,621,907, with the most significant increase between 1897 and 1913. 18 Despite this growth, the percentage of the population living in urban areas remained unchanged throughout the period because growth in rural areas occurred at a faster pace. The social composition of the province was, however, experiencing changes as industrialization took place mostly in small factories and workshops located outside urban centres. These enterprises produced mostly food-related products which gave a rural flavour to Voronezh factory workers. Gradually, nearly 15 per cent of the population could claim that their primary source of income was not derived from agricultural labour, a number that reflected a 37 per cent rise in the number of non-agricultural workers between 1904 and 1913.

In terms of religious and ethnic diversity, Voronezh was unremarkable: only a very small percentage of residents claimed to be anything other than Orthodox Christian; roughly 35 per cent were ethnically Ukrainian settled in the south and southwestern districts. The small number of sectarian groups and non-Christians residing in Voronezh conceals their influence in local history. A tiny Jewish community began to form in the 1840s when Vladimir Aleksandrovich Gol’dshtein moved to the provincial capital as one of the first Jews to live permanently in Voronezh. After a few years working in the provincial government printing house, Gol’dshtein converted to Orthodox Christianity and opened his own shop. In 1860, Gol’dshtein began publishing the literary journal, Filologicheskie zapiski , and two years later he founded the first private Voronezh newspaper, Voronezhskii listok . In 1869, Gol’dshtein replaced the unsuccessful Voronezhskii listok with the progressive Voronezhskii telegraf . As the number of Jews living in the province slowly grew, so did their prominence. Between 1872 and 1894, Grigorii Verblovskii served on the circuit court ( okruzhnoi sud ); from 1883 to 1897 Aleksandr Liban (a convert to an evangelical Christian sect) worked as the public prosecutor of the Voronezh circuit court; and Leonid Borisovich Veinberg worked for the provincial administration, eventually becoming the secretary of the statistical committee before moving to St Petersburg in 1891 to work for the government newspaper, Pravitel’stvennyi vestnik . The number of Jewish residents topped 1,000, and most worked as doctors, pharmacists and lawyers. In 1874, the community was permitted to open a house of worship and employ its first rabbi, but it took nearly thirty years before permission was obtained to construct a synagogue. As an expression of its loyalty, the Voronezh Jewish community sent a congratulatory telegram to Nicholas II on the occasion of his coronation and requested permission to name their house of worship after the new Tsar. 19

As the nineteenth century drew to a close, Voronezh joined other provinces in European Russia whose populations and economic activities were becoming more diverse despite their distance from St Petersburg. The impact of the Great Reforms was visible everywhere. In medical services alone, large strides had been made and by the 1880s, every district in the province had between three and six medical points for general consultation, as well as a clinic with several in-patient beds, and a midwife. The capital and a few district towns also had dentists and pharmacists. In 1905, Voronezh city had sixty-three doctors (including several women), thirty-five midwives, eighteen dentists, thirty-eight pharmacists and seven pharmacies that filled more than 133,000 prescriptions (nearly two prescriptions per resident). Three main highways connected more than 1,000 villages to towns and the provincial capital, to stations along one of the three rail lines, and to the main Don River waterway. These new connections had a tremendous effect on the development of the local economy. 20

Emerging Provincial Markets

Both trade and industry were inextricably linked to the countryside and traditional way of life. Because of their association with nearby churches, monasteries and religious holidays, markets and fairs often had names such as The Resurrection, St Nicholas, Trinity, Nativity and Candlemas. Although they occurred only periodically, fairs attracted large groups of buyers and sellers who also visited the local church or monastery, stopped at a nearby tavern or tea house, browsed in shops, and enjoyed street entertainment. 21 Certain fairs gained reputations because of their selection of products, reasonable prices and surrounding attractions. By 1913, nearly twenty-two million rubles’ worth of goods were for sale and nearly twelve million rubles’ worth sold at 732 regular fairs in Voronezh towns and villages. 22

Strong ties between traditional farming, emerging markets and factory or handicraft production offered a buffer against regular crop shortages and periodic failures and contributed to the rural character of Voronezh industry. While the majority of commoners engaged in agricultural work, land pressures and population increases contributed to the emergence of a non-agrarian workforce. The difficulties of rural life conditioned peasants to resist many of the reforms intended to reverse low crop yields and the spread of disease as they relied on traditional religious customs. In their age-old traditions, peasants and peasant workers explained life’s joys and tragedies in terms of fate and invisible forces whose negative impulses could be kept in check by adhering to the practices of the forefathers. A perpetual cycle of holiday festivals and fasting periods combining institutional Orthodoxy with popular belief and practice sustained communities psychologically and sociologically. For remedies and cures, peasants referred to a mental catalogue passed from generation to generation through local ‘knowledge keepers’ ( znakhar’/znakharka ) and witches ( ved’ma ), as well as from elder to younger women in households. When ethnographers arrived to capture portraits of village life, they often misinterpreted the reliance on herbs and incantations as ignorant superstition rather than the spiritual crutches and pragmatic actions that a downtrodden population needed to endure one season to the next. 23

Another reason for the rural nature of Voronezh factories was their location in the countryside, a natural convenience given that more than 75 per cent of goods produced were food products (dairy, sugar, flour and wine). The remaining goods drew on natural resources for the manufacture of bricks, linens, leathers and wood products. 24 Factory output reached its pre-war peak in 1913 and was advancing at a rapid pace with an increase of 109 per cent since 1904. Between 1904 and 1913, output increased by 10 per cent while the portion of workers and production in rural factories remained constant at roughly 90 per cent. 25 While freight trains facilitated the growth of industry and markets, they also transformed communities through the creation of jobs, economic diversification and contact with the outside world. Passenger travel gradually brought new opportunities to provincial residents seeking work away from the natal community, religious travellers interested in visiting a revered shrine, and holidaymakers on their way to restful destinations. Technological developments facilitated Voronezh residents’ interest in the outside world and eventually piqued the curiosity of the countryside.

Communicating with Each Other and the World

Long before the Emancipation, residents of Voronezh province were accustomed to regular contact with the world outside their settlements, towns and cities through the postal service, telegraph and travel by ship and overland. Beginning in the 1850s, technological advances opened new avenues of communication as telegraph lines connecting St Petersburg and Moscow eventually reached Voronezh in 1860. Although initially used for administrative purposes, by the mid-1880s, a substantial portion of Voronezh’s more than 80,000 cables sent and received were for commercial purposes, and service was now available in all twelve districts. 26 As networks expanded, the telegraph became an important tool of communication between officials in St Petersburg and provincial capitals, as well as between administrative offices within provinces. The quickest and most reliable means of disseminating information about local disasters, disorders and disease, the telegraph served the autocratic apparatus with great efficiency. By the 1890s, imperial subjects had incorporated telegrams into their traditional expressions of congratulations to the royal household during imperial holidays, coronations and other important celebrations.

The railroad provided another means for imperial subjects to communicate with each other and the political centre as affordable travel became widely available in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Voronezh residents benefited from being a part of what became the Southern Railway whose first segments were constructed between 1868 and 1871, connecting Voronezh with Moscow and Rostov. In the brief period of four decades, rail construction reached 1,500 km and connected the province to all parts of European Russia. 27 Railroads also stimulated a dramatic rise in postal correspondence and the number of items sent and received between 1860 and 1884 increased tenfold from slightly more than 400,000 to more than 2.5 million pieces. 28 Although we do not know the nature of this correspondence or its destination, it is safe to assume that rising literacy levels were behind this growth. More telling is the tenfold rise in the number of periodicals received by Voronezh residents in the short period between 1880 and 1884, when the total reached more than one million copies.

Subscription rates suggest that Voronezh readers showed considerable interest in the world beyond the province. By 1890, journal and newspaper subscriptions by individuals, libraries, schools and institutions reached 13,000, with 20 per cent more going to rural than urban areas. The single, privately owned local newspaper, Voronezhskii telegraf , listed approximately 100 subscriptions, while the nationally popular St Petersburg Svet and Niva each had nearly 1,000 subscribers. Not far behind were the St Petersburg publications Sel’skii vestnik, Rodina, Luch’ and Zhivopisnoe obozrenie , all having between 400 and 600 subscribers. 29 Along with improvements in transportation and interpersonal communication, periodical subscriptions broke down barriers of isolation and helped Voronezh residents establish their mental place in the larger communities of Empire and world.

A late newcomer to the communications revolution was the telephone. In 1884, the first telephone was installed in Voronezh and as elsewhere in the Empire was used for administrative purposes to link the provincial administration with the governor’s residence. One year later, a half dozen private individuals or organizations had obtained their own service, but until the end of the century, different telephonic standards impeded long-distant connections within the provinces and with St Petersburg. 30 As the telephone became more common, district administrators and wealthier villages sought their own lines and used them for public safety during fires and other disasters, to communicate important information about social unrest especially beginning in 1905, and to coordinate local events during imperial celebrations. For the vast majority of provincial residents, the telephone remained a scientific wonder whose poles and lines crisscrossed the countryside carrying invisible signals with secret messages along great distances.

Cultural Aspirations

Long before the Great Reforms, the educated citizens of Voronezh enjoyed a lively, though limited, literary scene. Provincial administrators established the first Voronezh publishing house in 1798, at a time when Paul I’s censorship was causing difficulties for metropolitan publishers. Early titles were esoteric and intended for only a few hundred readers interested in Russian dendrology or detailed explanations of ancient liturgical hymns and altar decorations. By 1800, these works were followed by a play, a biography of Archbishop Tikhon of Zadonsk and an early study of Voronezh history. 31 Each title represented the complex nature of the province. Culturally, Voronezh aspired to be connected to broader cultural developments by creating its own native literature. Religiously, Voronezh forged a deep impression in the minds of nineteenth-century Russians with the successive canonizations of its wonder-working bishops Mitrofan and Tikhon. Historically, Voronezh became a critical supplier of artistic inspiration as educated society searched for the meaning of Russian identity.

As literacy became widespread in the second half of the nineteenth century, Voronezh publications invited readers throughout the province to participate in a collective sense of their locale’s history and contributions to the creation of modern imperial Russia. In addition to the obligatory references to Peter the Great’s work in Voronezh shipyards, the scholarly journals and popular newspapers published findings from archaeological excavations, ethnographic fieldwork and church studies. Updates about current events or activities of local government added to the picture of a corporate identity. The first regular periodicals were the gazettes of the provincial government and the Orthodox diocese. In addition to their official parts, which reprinted decrees and statistics, these periodicals featured snapshots of local history and contemporary developments. Privately, more than half a dozen newspapers were published between 1862 and 1917, although many were short-lived. Locally produced scholarly journals that featured scholarship about Voronezh by native-born authorities gained broader attention and included the provincial statistical committee’s Pamiatnaia knizhka Voronezhskoi gubernii , the privately published Filologicheskie zapiski and Trudy Voronezhskoi uchenoi arkhivnoi komissii . 32

A few years after the Voronezh provincial press was established, the first public theatre was opened in 1802 and within two decades took up permanent residence in a neo-classical building in the centre of the provincial capital. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the repertoire of productions reflected the tastes of educated society throughout provincial Russia and soon the Voronezh theatre became a regular stop for prominent actors and musicians making provincial guest appearances, including the famous St Petersburg actress, Vera Komissarzhevskaia, composer Modest Mussorgsky, pianist Nikolai Rubinstein and singer Dar’ia Leonova in the late 1870s. These performances inspired city residents to open their own section of the imperial Russian Music Society in 1882 that continued to offer classes for more than thirty years. Interest in folk music also began about this time and paralleled the excitement earlier generated by native son, Aleksandr Nikolaevich Afanas’ev, whose popular collection of Russian fairy tales drew from his work in Voronezh. Beginning in the 1890s, Mitrofan Efimovich Piatnitskii gathered singers from his native village in Voronezh and took them to perform in Moscow where they met with great success. Similar folk songs were memorialized in the early sound recordings made in 1897 by Evgeniia Eduardovna Linëva (1854–1919) who worked in a half a dozen villages around the province. Her songs were published by the Academy of Sciences as exemplars of Russian folk singing and reached broader audiences in a successful tour of the United States and England. 33

Among the lower classes, the traditional cultural repertoire of folk tradition, parish church and community school was augmented in the 1880s by the ‘people’s house’ ( narodnyi dom ), a bridge of sorts that linked village and urban society. 34 People’s houses were established to provide space and direction to popular entertainment as well as edificatory activities; many of them had tearooms alongside reading rooms. They also staged theatrical productions, provided convenient venues for travelling theatrical troupes, and became known as meeting points for anti-government activists. 35 The first regular theatre for the peasantry was organized by Nikolai Fedorovich Bunakov (1837–1904), an energetic educator from St Petersburg who devoted himself to improving the social and cultural life of Petino village outside the city of Voronezh. From 1888 until 1902, the theatre was attached to the primary school that Bunakov had built for the community. Despite its small capacity, residents of Petino and other communities flocked to its productions leading Bunakov to fund the construction of a people’s house with a theatre, a school and a library. Immediately its shows drew the attention of local clerical and secular authorities who considered them a threat to public morality and within two months all productions ceased. 36

The lower classes of Voronezh had another more widespread and reliable means of contact with the outside world—the burgeoning popular publishing industry. Once again, the new and unfamiliar was processed through the lens of tradition. A study conducted by the Voronezh Provincial Primary School Education Society in 1893 demonstrated a high level of interest in traditional religious materials that included popularized biographies of saints, descriptions of shrines and pilgrimage tales. 37 Voronezh readers were also taken by secular counterparts to religious stories that spotlighted success, new and unfamiliar locales and romance, all of which were serialized in periodicals, sold in bookshops or available at public libraries that were opened in every district capital, many larger villages and two-thirds of the parish churches. 38 By 1905, the city of Voronezh public library had four locations which housed nearly 72,000 volumes, welcomed more than 130,000 visitors, and filled 215,546 requests for materials; by 1914, the public library collection had grown to nearly 90,000 volumes. 39 Bookstores served the provinces’ districts since 1873 and within a decade twenty-three new shops were opened with reading rooms as well. 40 Readers were also attracted to the literature that questioned the religious, social and political status quo and had to be distributed clandestinely. Prior to 1905, sectarian groups limited their proselytization for fear of legal prosecution. Despite legal restrictions, the social message of Lev Tolstoy was spread by his loyal follower, Vladimir Grigor’evich Chertkov, who oversaw a large operation on his estate in the southeastern corner of the province. 41

Despite this impressive spread of literacy and availability of reading materials, the advent of cinema created mass audiences beyond anything imaginable by even the most successful publishers of popular literature. Under one roof, the cinema of pre-revolutionary Russia formed what Richard Stites has called ‘a vast archipelago of democratized space’. 42 Film discriminated against no one; with tickets costing only a few kopeks (150 million tickets were sold in 1916), the impact of cinema reached deep into the provinces and brought together urban and rural cultural experience as never before. Moving pictures first came to Voronezh in 1905 as part of a special travelling exhibit, but two years later, the newly opened Biograf cinema began regular screenings. 43 In a short space of time film became the enemy of provincial administrators and church leaders who saw in the ‘ghosts’ of the silver screen something artificial and the presentation of class, gender, education, birth-right and decadence as morally and politically dangerous.

Distinctly Public Voices

In post-emancipation Russia, government reform and political control intersected in large, well-orchestrated public celebrations and commemorations of significant historical events in imperial history. In these ceremonial moments, the essence of the Tsar and his subjects blended together to create an image of the russkii narod writ large. As elsewhere in Europe, the last decades of the nineteenth century witnessed a sharp proliferation of public festivities that collectively produced an imperial narrative. 44

Far from St Petersburg and Moscow the provinces also staged their own versions of these celebrations that offered local variations of the broader imperial text. Two early expressions of Voronezh uniqueness within the larger construct of Russian identity emphasized the ambiguous relationship between centre and periphery, as well as sacred and secular. For more than a century, written accounts and oral recantations about Peter the Great’s presence in Voronezh had kept alive his memory and the important role the province played in the creation of the modern Russian navy. In 1860, city officials erected a monument to the Tsar whose arm pointed toward an abstract bright future as a testament to the commitment of Voronezh officialdom to the further development of the Empire. At the same time, the statue created a visual reminder that imperial Russia could not exist without its provinces. 45 One year later, provincial uniqueness was inextricably linked to imperial fate during the 1861 canonization of Tikhon of Zadonsk, when officials and local elites presented the holy man as a sign of God’s approval of Russia’s radical new direction. To ensure that this message reached all Orthodox subjects of the Tsar, the Holy Synod ordered that printed announcements of the canonization be read from pulpits around the Empire during Sunday liturgy. This proclamation portrayed the sanctification of the Voronezh Tikhon as a sign of God’s blessing of Holy Russia as it moved away from serfdom to a better future. 46

Celebrations of important historical moments in the long period of Romanov rule multiplied at a frenzied pace as the autocracy entered its final decades. The bicentennial of Peter the Great’s victory at Poltava (1909), the fiftieth anniversary of the emancipation of the serfs (1911) and the tercentenary of the House of Romanovs (1913) offered three final occasions for Empire-wide celebrations. The Battle of Poltava resonated in Voronezh because it signified an important initial success for the navy that Voronezh residents helped to build. In conjunction with the anniversary, the Voronezh Scholarly Archival Commission organized an exhibit and began planning a museum dedicated to local history that would be named after Peter the Great. More immediately, the city of Voronezh was illuminated for the occasion, and residents enjoyed fireworks displays and free refreshments. Throughout the province, churches, schools and community organizations held special religious services, public readings and community festivities. 47 Two years later, the fiftieth anniversary of the Emancipation was especially dear to the majority of the Russian population whose fate it had irrevocably changed. In Voronezh, peasants took the lead in organizing commemorative events that included the usual church services and public readings. However, reflecting the more lasting changes introduced by the Great Reforms, peasant communities in each of the province’s twelve districts coordinated their celebrations with local schools, many of which were renamed after the Tsar-liberator. More impressive, given the nearly universal lack of resources, was the erection of eighty-nine statues by villages wishing to create visual reminders of their debt to Alexander II. 48 A final grand celebration of Empire came in 1913 when all subjects were expected to rejoice for 300 years of rule by the House of Romanovs. Despite its extravagance the occasion failed to evoke widespread empathy as labour unrest, political confusion in the duma and rumours about Grigorii Rasputin all pointed to the weakness, rather than strength, of Tsar Nicholas’ regime. 49

Although Voronezh residents participated in each of these grand occasions of public memorialization and remembrance, the historical orientation of Voronezh provincial leaders came full circle in the 1911 jubilee of the canonization of St Tikhon of Zadonsk. If the organizers of the original event sought to impose the Empire on a provincial holy man, the Voronezh Church Historical and Archeological Committee ensured that the anniversary portrayed Tikhon as a local hero whose uniqueness was his connection to Voronezh. The broader Empire was mentioned only as a distant and strange entity—with no mention of the Tsar—thus reversing the symbolism of the canonization ceremonies. 50

While commemorations and celebrations recalled the past through ritual enactments at familiar sites of cultural interaction, Voronezh museums directed visitors’ attention to what experts considered to be the canonical texts of local history. In 1894, Stefan Egorovich Zverev, local priest, teacher and former editor of Pamiatnaia knizhka Voronezhskoi gubernii , organized the provincial museum, and in 1900 the Voronezh Scholarly Archival Commission. The following year, the Voronezh Church Historical Archeological Committee and the Voronezh Historical Archeological Committee were established. 51 Each of these organizations shared advisors and a common goal to preserve the distinctive local historical and archaeological past and then to present it to a variety of local audiences. The Scholarly Archival Commission published five volumes under the title, Trudy Voronezhskoi uchenoi arkhivnoi komisii (1902–14), intended for highly educated readers patient with long, turgid prose. The Church Historical Archeological Committee published fourteen volumes of Voronezhskaia starina (1902–16), a treasury of documents, images and scholarly articles about local church history. The main vehicle of communication of the Historical Archeological Committee was its museum whose displays of local artefacts attracted nearly 9,000 visitors in 1904 despite being open only on Sundays and holidays from noon until 4 p.m. In other ways residents of Voronezh were forging a strong sense of local affinity in the way they remembered their native sons (daughters were forgotten) with portraits and statues, and by naming schools and buildings after them, like the branches of the main public library which honoured local writers Aleksei Vasil’evich Kol’tsov and Ivan Savvich Nikitin. Organizations and societies such as the Voronezh Circle of Lovers of Drawing and the Voronezh Section of the Russian Society for the Preservation of Public Health provided regular gatherings for cultural and social activists whose diligent work helped to shape local identity. 52 As the era of the Tsars drew to a close, Voronezh residents had painted a clear image of their distinctiveness that was as inseparable from Russia as Russia was from the provinces.

Rebels, Revolutionaries and Reactionaries

While not a always hotbed of revolution, Voronezh residents of all backgrounds regularly protested violations of accepted norms of social, economic and political order that occasionally reached the level of rebellion. Not surprisingly, peasants were the most conservative social group who relied on traditional forms of protest rather than organized political activity. Attacks against holders of economic, religious and social power were aimed at restoring the delicate balance between former masters and peasant communities. The traditionalism of peasants accounts in part for the unsuccessful ‘going to the people’ movement of university students during the summer of 1874, yet populists continued to be attracted to the region and in 1879 a general congress of the Land and Liberty movement met in Voronezh. Despite their low numbers participants included prominent revolutionaries such as Vera Figner, Sofiia Perovskaia (the first woman in Russia to be executed for her role in the assassination of Alexander II) and Georgii Plekhanov, the father of Russian Marxism. 53

The most consistent sites of revolutionary fervour were the provincial middle schools where students were particularly receptive to revolutionary ideas, and the most radical were seminarians preparing to become Orthodox clergymen. Voronezh seminarians had mostly parochial interests and opposed the oppressive administrative regulations of the school and its dormitory, as well as the scholastic curriculum that left them unprepared to address the needs of future parishioners. A cauldron of young male energy that exploded year after year as the most ambitious seminarians attempted to blow up the rector’s quarters or shoot school officials, in 1905, revolutionary fervour led to calls for an end to autocracy. Unable to repress or effectively respond to students’ demands, seminary officials closed the school for long periods of time, thus shortening the school year and postponing graduations. On the one hand, this exacerbated the shortage of parish clergy. On the other hand, the accumulated decades of seminary unrest meant that by 1917, most clergymen under the age of 65 had witnessed, participated in, or led at least one of these demonstrations and were amenable to the revolutions of that year. 54

Clergymen and their children form a particular group of reformers and revolutionaries who sought to improve their own lot within the strictures of the clerical estate, increase the independence of the parish from central church administration, educate and enlighten the peasantry, and promote political activism mostly of a populist nature. Members of the clergy attracted the attention of local police and diocesan authorities who disdained the lower orders’ independence and proximity to the people. Father Ivan Meretskii, the 39-year-old parish priest of Ivan Stoliarov, was given to fiery sermons about politics, and in 1906, he found himself in the same jail cell as Stoliarov who had been arrested on unrelated charges of revolutionary activity. Prior to his arrest Meretskii had received numerous service commendations for his work as a priest and as a teacher of religion in the local zemstvo school. Yet secular authorities could not tolerate Meretskii’s agitation that led his parishioners to undermine local authority by confiscating the official seal from an unpopular village elder and to establish a credit society presumably to fund revolutionary activities. 55

Away from the countryside, the steady growth of the non-agricultural labour force introduced new social tensions between workers and management. Unrest was strongest in the railway sector. The first large strike took place in 1879 when as many as 700 rail workers stood on the tracks to block traffic thus forcing management to pay back wages. Strikes remained locally oriented until 1905 when Bloody Sunday inspired protests beyond the rail industry and large numbers of office workers, professionals and students took to the streets to protest Tsarist authority. As elsewhere, participants in the unrest in Voronezh used the printed word to appeal to the literate population. Although they were short-lived, Voronezhskoe slovo (Constitutional Democrat), Golos truda (Bolshevik) and Voronezhskii krai (pro-church) paved the way for a new type of local journalism that was concerned with hot political and social issues of the day. 56

Opposition to revolutionary activity and maintenance of public order was expected of secular and church officials, yet some pro-monarchy response was rooted in deep hostility to non-Orthodox and non-Slavic populations despite their low numbers in the province. The long-serving Archbishop Anastasii of Voronezh was unsympathetic to calls for reform from below and openly expressed sympathy with the Union of Russian People whose anti-Semitism was well known. 57 Anastasii’s prominence in public events and celebrations that included the governor corroborated the conservative and chauvinistic views of provincial officialdom as it faced an increasingly uncertain political theatre. His death in 1913 marked the end of an era in Voronezh history.

Becoming Soviet

As news of the Tsar’s abdication spread throughout the countryside, Voronezh residents were not alone in their response to the epic event. Breaking the sombre restrictions of Great Lent, workers, peasants and clergymen in cities and villages euphorically destroyed imperial symbols, attacked defenders of the old regime and took charge of institutions once dominated by representatives of Tsarist authority. Unlike the disturbances of 1905, there was no political status quo to return to, and this left many revellers uncertain about the future. The leading article in Voronezhskii telegraf called for a democratic republic and declared that the revolution closed the gap ‘between what was and what should be ’. Sensitive to the new political climate, Voronezh governor Ershov urged provincial residents to support the new Government, but he also cast the abdication in divine terms and emphasized its confirmation of God’s favour on Mother Russia.

In the months ahead, newspapers sprang up in every district capital, including the first to be run by peasants, and heralded a dramatic shift in journalism. Despite their anti-church and anti-religious tone, Bolshevik newspapers selected fundamental symbols of religion to shore up support among the masses at the same time they criticized the Orthodox church. The Zadonsk District Executive Committee’s Sovetskaia gazeta held up Christ as ‘the first great teacher of socialism’ at the same time it condemned the clergy for draining the people financially. In spring 1919, the Ostrogozhsk district newspaper published a letter from a local priest who criticized his fellow clerics for their previous support of the old regime and their proliferation of superstition among the laity. Chief among these was the belief in the uncorrupted remains of SS. Mitrofan and Tikhon of Zadonsk. Bolshevik officials were intent on debunking common belief in wonder-working relics and staged public ‘revelations’ of the truth that attracted thousands of people, many of whom were believers who wished to have one more encounter with their beloved saint. 58

Over the next few years as the Voronezh countryside endured the civil war and settled into the period of the New Economic Policy, two shadows of the pre-revolutionary period threatened the region. To the majority of new political elites in Moscow, members of the intelligentsia and cultural activists, Voronezh and dozens of provinces like it were still backwaters in need of enlightenment. Now, according to rising ideologues in Moscow, Soviet education would achieve what Tsarist educators had only dreamed of—the victory of enlightenment over superstitious ignorance. From a local perspective, despite the problems of pre-revolutionary Russia, Voronezh educated society had already made enormous strides in many directions and considered the province a model of the best the former Empire had to offer: an advancing economy, an accomplished cultural world and a distinctive local identity. The province was not backward, dull or dark, but the soul of what it meant to be Russian at the start of the new revolutionary era. All of this was evident during the first mass festival in Bolshevik Voronezh during the summer of 1918. Unsurprisingly, it celebrated the seizure of Azov and the important role that Voronezh played in the creation of the modern Russian navy. Pointing to the greatness of its past, the celebration looked to a future in which Peter’s Western ideals could finally be realized in the capitals and countryside. In its own way and on its own terms, pre-revolutionary Voronezh had nurtured a vibrant civic life that represented a critical essence of Russia that was waiting to be fulfilled. 59

Further Reading

Brooks, Jeffrey , When Russia Learned to Read: Literacy and Popular Literature, 18f917 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985 )

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Chulos, Chris J. , Converging Worlds: Religion and Community in Peasant Russia (DeKalb: Northern University Press, 2003 )

Eklof, Ben , Russian Peasant Schools: Officialdom, Village Culture, and Popular Pedagogy, 1861–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986 )

Emmons, Terence and Wayne S. Vucinich , eds., The Zemstvo in Russia: An Experiment in Local Self-Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982 )

Evtuhov, Catherine , Portrait of a Russian Province: Economy, Society and Civilization in Nineteenth-Century Nizhnii Novgorod (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2011 )

Frierson, Cathy A. , Peasant Icons: Representations of Rural People in Late Nineteenth-Century Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993 )

Greene, Robert H. , Bodies like Bright Stars: Saints and Relics in Orthodox Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009 )

Kotsonis, Yanni , Making Peasants Backward: Agricultural Cooperatives and the Agrarian Question in Russia, 1861–1914 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999 )

Smith-Peter, Susan , ‘ Bringing the Provinces into focus: Subnational Spaces in the Recent Historiography of Russia ’, Kritika: New Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History , 12 ( 2011 ), 835–848

Wade, Rex A. and Scott J. Seregny , eds., Politics and Society in Provincial Russia: Saratov, 1590–1917 (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1989 )

1 Stepniak , ‘Stolitsa i provintsiia’, Voronezhskii telegraf , 14 January 1869 .

2 A.I. Gaivoronskii , ‘Izdanie pervykh sovetskikh knig v Voronezhe’, in A.I. Gaivoronskii , comp., Voronezhskii kraevedcheskii sbornik: iz istorii kul’tury kraia (Voronezh: Izd-vo Voronezhskogo universiteta, 1985), 14 .

Research conducted for this chapter was partially funded by a Roosevelt University Faculty Summer Research Grant.

4 Cathy A. Frierson , Peasant Icons: Representations of Rural People in Late Nineteenth-Century Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993) , ‘Introduction’. For a recent review of the burgeoning literature on provincial history, see Susan Smith-Peter , ‘Bringing the Provinces into Focus: Subnational Spaces in the Recent Historiography of Russia’, Kritika: New Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History , 12 (2011), 835–848 .

5 I. Taradin , ‘Zolotoe Dno’: Ekonomika, istoriia, kul’tura i byt volosti tsentral’no-chernozemnoi oblasti (Voronezh: Izd. Voronezhskogo kraevedcheskogo obshchestva, 1928), 3–4 .

6 L.B. Veinberg , ‘Gorod Voronezh. (Istoricheskii ocherk)’, in Voronezhskii iubileinyi sbornik v pamiat’ trekhsotletiia g. Voronezha (Voronezh: Tipo-litografiia Gubernskogo Pravleniia, 1886), 1:74–149 .

7 Sviatitel’ i chudotvorets Mitrofan, pervyi episkop Voronezhskii , 2nd ed. (Moscow: I. D. Sytin, 1901), 37–40 .

8 Chris J. Chulos , Converging Worlds: Religion and Community in Peasant Russia (DeKalb, IL: Northern University Press, 2003), 43–44 ; and Chris J. Chulos , ‘Stories of the Empire: Myth, Ethnography, and Village Origin Legends in Nineteenth-Century Russia’, in Chris J. Chulos and Johannes Remy , eds., Imperial and National Identities in Pre-Revolutionary, Soviet, and Post-Soviet Russia , Studia Historica 66 (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 2002), 126–128 . Peter the Great was part of local origin tales of villages and communities wherever he travelled. See Nicholas V. Riasanovsky , The Image of Peter the Great in Russian History and Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 83–84 .

9 A.F. Krashennikov , ‘Proekty arkhitektora Kvarengi dlia Voronezha’, in Gaivoronskii , comp., Voronezhskii kraevedcheskii sbornik , 163–191 .

10 T. Oleinikov , ‘Opredelenie Sv. Sinoda ob otkrytii moshchei Sv. Tikhona’, Voronezhskaia Starina , 10 (1911), 95 ; and ‘Slovo v den’ otkrytiia sv. moshchei sviatitelia i chudotvortsa Tikhona, skazannoe v Zadonskom monastyre sinodal’nym chlenom, Isidorom, Mitropolitom Novgorodskim i S. Peterburgskim’, Strannik , 3, otdel 4 (September 1861), 131.

11 Ivan Stoliarov, Zapiski russkogo krest’ianina , Récit d’un paysan russe, with a Preface by Basile Kerblay, notes by Valiérie Stoliaroff, with the assistance of Alexis Berelowitch , Cultures et societies de l’est , 6 (Paris: Institut d’études slaves, 1986) .

12 Ben Eklof , Russian Peasant Schools: Officialdom, Village Culture, and Popular Pedagogy, 1861–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 50–56, and 394–402 .

13 Terence Emmons and Wayne S. Vucinich , eds., The Zemstvo in Russia: An Experiment in Local Self-Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982) ; and Ben Eklof , John Bushnell and Larissa Zakharova , eds., Russia’s Great Reforms, 1855–1881 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994) .

14 Gregory Freeze , The Parish Clergy in Nineteenth-Century Russia: Crisis, Reform, Counter-Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 103–106 .

15 ‘Uchebnye zavedeniia v gorodakh Voronezhskoi gubernii’, Pamiatnaia knizhka Voronezhskoi gubernii (hereafter PKVG ) (1887), 365–382 .

PKVG (1906), section 2, 56–8; and PKVG (1915) , section 2, 58–59.

17 N.A. Troinitskii , ed., Pervaia vsebshchaia perepis’ naseleniia Rossiiskoi imperii, 1897 , vol. 9, Voronezhskaia guberniia, tetrad’ 1 (St Petersburg: Izdanie Tsentral’nogo statisticheskogo komiteta Ministerstva vnytrennikh del, 1901), 131 ; N.A. Troinitskii , ed., Pervaia vseobshchaia perepis’ naseleniia Rossiiskoi imperii, 1897. Obshchii svod po imperii resul’tatov razrabotki dannykh Pervoi vseobshchei perepisi naseleniia, proizvedennoi 28 ianvaria 1897 goda (St Petersburg: n.p., 1905), 1 : appendix, 6, 38, 40; and A.G. Rashin , Naselenie Rossii za 100 let (1811–1913): Statisticheskie ocherki (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe statisticheskoe izd-vo, 1956), 297–298, 308–309 .

Rashin, Naselenie Rossii , 26, 44-45.

19 A.N. Akin’shin , ‘Evreiskaia obshchina v Voronezhskoi gubernii vo vtoroi polovine XIX-XX veke’, Istoricheskie zapiski: nauchnye trudy istoricheskogo fakul’teta , vyp. 7 (2001), 22–44 .

PKVG (1887) , 307–9; PKVG (1906), section 1, 75–6; and PKVG (1915) , section 2, 49–52.

21 PKVG (1915) , 34–35. Anne Lincoln Fitzpatrick has described the importance of fairs in the development of networks of trade and communication, as well as their non-commercial social aspects, in The Great Russian Fair: Nizhnii Novgorod, 1840–1890 (London: Macmillan, 1990).

PKVG (1915) , part 2, 34–35.

Chulos, ‘Telling Time: Eternal Truths, Mortal Fates’, in Converging Worlds .

PKVG (1887) , 414–431; and PKVG (1906), part 2, 28–29.

PKVG (1906), part 2, 28–29; and PKVG (1915) , part 2, 28–29.

26 Kh. Kh. Dampel’ , ‘Telegraf i telefon v Voronezhskoi gubernii’, Voronezhskii iubileinyi sbornik , 2 (1886) 117–34 .

27 PKVG (1915) , part 2, 49; and E.G. Shuliakovskii , ed. Ocherki istorii voronezhskogo kraia s dreveneishikh vremen do velikoi oktiabrskoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii (Voronezh: Izd-vo Voronezhskogo universiteta, 1961), 1:306 . On railroads generally, see J. N. Westwood , A History of Russian Railways (London: George Allen, 1964) .

28 P. Strakhov , ‘Voronezhskaia pochta v sovremennom sostoianii’, in Voronezhskii iubileinyi sbornik , 1:503–504 .

PKVG (1892), 92–99. The high subscription numbers of the official provincial and diocesan newspapers, Voronezhskie gubernskie vedomosti and Voronezhskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti , are misleading because they were both required reading for provincial and diocesan officials as well as the only regular and accessible purveyors of the latest legal and regulatory information needed to govern.

30 Steven L. Solnick , ‘Revolution, Reform, and the Soviet Telephone System, 1917–1927’, Soviet Studies 43 (1991), 157–175 ; and Dampel’ , ‘Telegraf i telefon’, Voronezhskii iubileinyi sbornik 2:129 .

31 A.I. Gaivoronskii , Zolotye arkhivnye rossypi: iz istorii kul’tury voronezhskogo kraia (konets XVIII–nachalo XX v.) (Voronezh: Tsentral’no-chernozemnoe knizhnoe izd-vo, 1971), 56–80 .

32 V.I. Chesnokov , ‘Voronezhskii statisticheskii komitet i ego kraevedcheskaia deiatel’nost’ v doreformennoe vremia’, in Gaivoronskii , Voronezhskii kraevedcheskii sbornik , 91–98 .

33 Shuliakovskii, ed., Ocherki , 1:462, 465, 444–452, 460–478. M.E. Piatnitskii published some of these songs as Kontserty M. E. Piatnitskogo s krest’ianami (Moscow: 1914) ; and E.E. Linëva published collections in Russian and English: Velikorusskie pesni v narodnoi garmonizatsii (St Petersburg: Imperatorskaia Akademiia Nauk, 1904–19) and The Peasant Song of Great Russia as They are in the Folk’s Harmonization (St Petersburg: Imperial Academy of Sciences, 1905) .

34 For an insightful discussion of new peasant identities in post-emancipation Russia, see David Moon , ‘Late Imperial Peasants’, in Ian D. Thatcher , ed., Late Imperial Russia: Problems and Prospects, Essays in Honour of R. B. McKean (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 120–145 .

35 G.A. Khaichenko , Russkii narodnyi teatr kontsa XIX—nachala XX veka (Moscow: Izd-vo Nauka, 1975) .

Gaivoronskii, Zolotye arkhivnye rossypi , 127–148.

37 Dolgo-li pomiat gramotu krest’iane, proshhedshie nachal’nuiu narodnuiu shkolu, chitaiut li oni po vykhode iz shkoly, I chto po preimushchestvu, gde berut knigi? (Voronezh: Tovarishchestvo Pechatnaia S.P. Iakovleva, 1894), 7–9 .

38 Zhurnaly Pavlovskogo uezdnogo zemskogo sobraniia ocherednoi sessii 1902 g. (Pavlovsk: Tip. I.P. Ivanova, 1903), 153 .

PKVG (1895), part 2, 59–60.

40 ‘Svedeniia o knizhnykh lavkakh, magazinakh i bibliotekakh dlia chteniia v Voronezhskoi gubernii’, PKVG (1887), 468–470 .

41 Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Voronezhskoi oblasti, f. I-6, op. 1, ed. khr. 190 (1896), l. 13–14 ob. Voronezh readers’ interests paralleled those described in Jeffrey Brooks’ seminal study, When Russia Learned to Read: Literacy and Popular Literature, 1861–1917 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985) .

42 Richard Stites , Russian Popular Culture: Entertainment and Society since 1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 28 . The literature on pre-revolutionary cinema has focused on the impact on urban areas leaving a wide opening for research into provincial movie-going culture.

43 E. Pul’ver and Iu. Pul’ver , Voronezhskaia mozaika (Voronezh: Tsentral’no-Chernozemnoe knizhnoe izd-vo, 1983), 172 .

44 Richard S. Wortman , Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy, vol. 2, From Alexander II to the Abdication of Nicholas II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000) . On Voronezh, see Chris J. Chulos , ‘Celebrations of the Empire and Collective Memory in Late Imperial Russia’, Russian History/Histoire Russe , 35 (2008), 99–112 .

45 Veinberg , ‘Gorod Voronezh’, Voronezhskii iubileinyi sbornik ,1:184–189 .

46 Chulos, Converging Worlds , 69–74, 77–80. Canonization was rare in post-Petrine Russia and only ten individuals were canonized compared with 146 between 1549 and 1721. See E. Golubinskii , Istoriia kanonizatsii sviatykh v Russkoi tserkvi , 2nd rev. ed. (Moscow: Universitetskaia tip., 1903), 109–223 ; and N.S. Torienko , Novye pravoslavnye sviatye (Kiev: Izd-vo Ukraina, 1991), 27–32 .

Chulos, ‘Celebrations of the Empire’ , 103–106.

48 V.V. Litvinov , ‘Pamiatniki Imperatoru Aleksandru II, otkrytye v Voronezhskoi gubernii’, PKVG (1915) section 3, 33–42 .

49 Richard S. Wortman , ‘“Invisible Threads”: The Historical Imagery of the Romanov Tercentenary’, Russian History/Histoire Russe , 16 (1989), 389–408 ; and Richard S. Wortman , ‘Nikolai II i obraz samoderzhaviia’, Voprosy istorii , 2 (1991), 124–125 .

50 Volumes 9–12 of Voronezhskaia starina were devoted to the jubilee, and many announcements and accounts appeared in Voronezhskii telegraf (1911). The tension between multiple identities in late nineteenth-century Russia is discussed in Jeffrey Brooks , ‘The Russian Nation Imagined: The Peoples of Russia as Seen in Popular Imagery, 1860s–1890s’, Journal of Social History , 43 (2010), 535–557 .

51 A.N. Akin’shin , ‘Osnovnye etapy razvitiia voronezhskogo kraevedeniia (1800–1917)’, Istoricheskie zapiski: nauchnye trudy istoricheskogo fakul’teta, vyp. 3 (1998): 39–41 ; and V.I. Chesnokov , ‘Voronezhskii statisticheskii komitet i ego kraevedcheskaia deiatel’nost’ v doreformennyoe vremia’, in Gaivoronskii , comp., Voronezhskii kraevedcheskii sbornik , 70–100 .

PKVG (1906), part 2, 60–62.

53 V.P. Zagorovskii , ‘Istoriia goroda Voronezha v dokumentakh’, Voronezh v dokumentakh i materialakh (Voronezh: Tsentral’no-Chernozemnoe knizhnoe izd-vo, 1987), 11 .

54 The complexity of the clerical estate in late Tsarist Russia is the topic of the Laurie Manchester ’s Holy Fathers, Secular Sons: Clergy, Intelligentsia, and the Modern Self in Revolutionary Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2008) .

Stoliarov, Zapiski , 154–155, and 158.

56 Shuliakovskii, ed., Ocherki , 1:314–335; and G.V. Antiukhin and M.G. Chechuro , comps., Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Voronezhskoi gubernii, 1905–1907 gg (sbornik dokumentov i materialov) (Voronezh: Voronezhskoe knizhnoe izd-vo, 1955), 78–96 .

57 V. Iu. Rylov , ‘Istoriia stanovleniia pravomonarkhicheskikh organizatsii v Voronezhskoi gubernii (1906–1907 gg)’, Istoricheskie zapiski: nauchnye trudy istoricheskogo fakul’teta 4 (Voronezh, 1999), 89–95 .

58 Chulos, Converging Worlds , 104–111. While believers staged lively defences of their beloved churches, monasteries and saints’ shrines during the revolutionary years of 1917 – 20, they often simultaneously fought against the more oppressive structures of the Tsarist Orthodox church and supported one of the array of revolutionary parties. The complexity of the revolution in the provinces has been analysed by Aaron B. Retish , Russia’s Peasants in Revolution and Civil War: Citizenship, Identity, and the Creation of the Soviet State, 1914–1922 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008) ; Robert H. Greene , Bodies like Bright Stars: Saints and Relics in Orthodox Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009) ; and Scott M. Kenworthy , The Heart of Russia: Trinity-Sergius, Monasticism, and Society after 1825 (New York: Oxford University Press; Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center, 2010), ch. 8 .

59 James von Geldern , Bolshevik Festivals, 1917–1920 , Studies on the History of Society and Culture, eds. Victoria E. Bonnell and Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 15–16 .

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reasons to invest in the voronezh region

reasons to invest in the Voronezh Region

Mar 05, 2014

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Government of the Voronezh Region. 5. reasons to invest in the Voronezh Region. The Voronezh Region boasts a favourable investment climate. Voronezh Region. Russian Federation (RF).

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Government of the Voronezh Region 5 reasons to investin the Voronezh Region

The Voronezh Region boasts a favourable investment climate

Voronezh Region Russian Federation (RF) Indices of physical volume of investmentin the fixed capital in the Voronezh Region are considerably higher than those for RF % against 2000 600 569 450 2.4times 300 241 150 year 0 '11 '01 '02 '03 '04 '05 '06 '07 '08 '09 '10

5 reasons why investors choose the Voronezh Region Favourable geographical position » AmpleHR and R&D potential » A wide rangeof Regional Government incentives » Industrial Parks with developed infrastructure » Experience in implementation of large-scale investment projects » 4

Favourable geographical position

Voronezh is located close toEuropean and Asian markets Moscow Voronezh Europe Asia Near East 6

Voronezhis ajunction of transport and logistic routes Transport corridors: • “North–South” • “West–East” St. Petersburg Moscow Voronezh Kyiv Ufa Novorossiysk 7

Rail Motorways Rivers Transport hubs International airport Well-developedtransport infrastructure Moscow Tambov Moscow Saratov Belgorod Kursk Voronezh Borisoglebsk Lyski Volgograd Astrakhan Rossosh Area of the Region = 52 200 km² Novorossiysk 8

Vastproduct market: about 35 million customers within a radius of 500 km Moscow Vladimir Kaluga Ryazan Tula Saransk Bryansk Orel Lipetsk Penza Tambov Kharkov Saratov Voronezh Kursk Belgorod Lugansk Volgograd Rostov-on-Don 9

AmpleHR and R&D potential

higher Investors can easily findskilled workforce Population (million people): 2.33—the Voronezh Region 1.00—the City of Voronezh HR —1.4 million people (60%),with education: 24,8% 40,1% secondary 35,1% vocational

2ndplace after Moscow according to the number of Schools of Higher Learning and students (Central Federal District) 40schools of Higher Learning 126385students 200majors 41technical/vocational schools 35789students 66R&D organizations 12

Wide range of Regional Government incentives

Aleksey Gordeev —Governor of the Voronezh Region The Governmentof the Voronezh Region guarantees full supportto companiesimplementing investment projectsin our Region “ ” 14

Regional Government incentives for “High Priority” projects Profit tax reduction of rate: up to8years Property tax exemption: up to8years Land plot acquisition preferential terms of land plots lease Subsidizing of interest rate on creditacquisition offarm machinery,forage, cattle, fertilizer Co-financing of construction of engineering infrastructure 15

Agreement of intent Preliminary agreement on the facility location Assignment of a “High Priority” status to the project Inclusion of the project in the Programof Social and Economic Development of the Region Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Investment agreement Step 5 5 easy steps for obtaining preferences 16

“One-stop” approach:“Investment Attraction Agency” • Selection of plots • Investment project support from the start of implementation • Effective interaction with Government Authorities 17

Industrial Parks with developed infrastructure

Motorways Rail Electric power Treatment facilities Gas Co-financing of infrastructure by the Government of the Region 19

2 1 3 4 special-purpose Industrial Parks • “Maslovsky” industrial production • “Semiluksko-Khokholsky”construction industry • “Bobrovsky”food and food-processingindustry • “Perspectiva”processing industry, logistics 4 Semiluki Voronezh Perspectiva Maslovka Bobrov

Industrial Park“MASLOVSKY”: area over 500 hectares JSC “Armax Group” JSC Company “Aspekt” JSC“SIEMENSTransformers” JSC “LKL” JSC “OFS Sviazstroy-1 VOKK” JSC “Voronezhselmash” JSC “Spetsstaltekhmontazh” JSC “PCC “Constructor of Astrakhan ” JSC “Veropharm” JSC “Production Company Angstrem”

Experiencein implementation of large-scaleinvestment projects

19800 2400 7900 131 000 3 400 5 900 Significantinvestment projectsand volume of investment, million rubles 23

5 Reasons to investin the Voronezh Region Summary: Favourable geographical position AmpleHR and R&D potential Wide range of Regional Government incentives Industrial Parks with developed infrastructure Experience in implementation of large-scale investment projects 24

Welcome to the Voronezh Region! Alexander Gusev Vice-Governor, First Deputy Chairman of the Voronezh Region Government +7 473 255–38–78 [email protected] www.govvrn.ru Developed by 25

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Welcome to voronezh

TOP REASONS TO INVEST IN KAZAKHSTAN

TOP REASONS TO INVEST IN KAZAKHSTAN. National Export and Investment Agency. Gaukhar Zainullina Regional Director. Country overview. Political status: Republic Area of land: 2.7 mln . sq. km Capital city: Astana Population: 16,5 million Key Economy Information, 2009

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10 REASONS TO INVEST IN FRANCE

10 REASONS TO INVEST IN FRANCE

10 REASONS TO INVEST IN FRANCE. January 2008. THE DOMESTIC MARKET # 1 Europe is the world’s leading market. Source: International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database , October 2007. THE DOMESTIC MARKET # 2 France, an influential economy at the heart of the EU.

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reasons to invest in the Voronezh Region

Government of the Voronezh Region. 5. reasons to invest in the Voronezh Region. The Voronezh Region boasts a favourable investment climate. Voronezh Region. Russian Federation (RF). Investment increase rate in the Voronezh Region is considerably higher than that for RF. % against 2000.

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10 reasons to invest in COAHUILA

10 reasons to invest in COAHUILA

10 reasons to invest in COAHUILA. Strategic Mexico Manufacturing Location World Class Infrastructure and Access to Global Markets Strong Economy Supported by Skilled and Qualified Workforce Competitive Production Costs Industrially Diversified Manufacturing Region

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MOTIVATION TO INVEST IN THE BUCHAREST ILFOV REGION

MOTIVATION TO INVEST IN THE BUCHAREST ILFOV REGION

Agentia pentru Dezvoltare Regionala Bucuresti – Ilfov. MOTIVATION TO INVEST IN THE BUCHAREST ILFOV REGION. Claudia Ionescu Director of Investment &amp; Promotion Department. Agentia pentru Dezvoltare Regionala Bucuresti - Ilfov.

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Key Reasons to Invest in SEO

Key Reasons to Invest in SEO

You surely want to see your business website in top Google searches. Without investing in SEO, the chances of taking the top position is not possible. Here are primary reasons on why you invest in SEO

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Reasons why you should invest in NCR Region

Reasons why you should invest in NCR Region

NCR region is the industrial hub of whole northern India. NCR offers 270 degree panoramic view of the surrounded lush greenery with nearness to IGI Airport, Teri Golf Course and South Delhi.

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Five Reasons to Invest in Africa

Five Reasons to Invest in Africa

The African continent is striking a clash between the richness of the cultural variety that defines its past and the rupturist changes that seem to demand the future, while the present assists in the construction of a new identity that seeks to combine past and future without renouncing anything. In the midst of this struggle, the economy stands as one of the key pillars when facing the search, in which a series of own factors make Africa a place more and more quoted by companies and investors to develop their Economic projects

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5 Reasons to invest in a villa

5 Reasons to invest in a villa

To know the reasons for investing in a villa, please log on to https://www.elitedevelopers.co.in/reasons-invest-villa-projects/

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Top Reasons To Invest in Kochi

Top Reasons To Invest in Kochi

Kochi is ranked 164th among the emerging cities in the world. The Industrial sector is picking up in the city. “Smart City” tag is expected to boost property prices in Kochi. To know more about the reasons, please download the pdf link.

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Reasons To Invest In Kids Wetsuits

Reasons To Invest In Kids Wetsuits

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Reasons to Invest in the Yamuna Expressway Projects

Reasons to Invest in the Yamuna Expressway Projects

Yamuna Expressway Smart Cities is the best web portal which provides you information and consultancy services regarding the project across the Yamuna Express Highway. For more information visit us: http://www.yamunaexpresswaysmartcities.com/

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Reasons To Invest In The Best Smart Scale

Reasons To Invest In The Best Smart Scale

Investing in the best smart scale is a good idea if you are not happy with your body, your weight or your progress in managing your body weight.

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Reasons to invest in sliding wardrobe doors

Reasons to invest in sliding wardrobe doors

If you install a sliding wardrobe with a mirror design, it fulfils two purposes simultaneously. You get to have practical storage space and you get a full mirror. Girls definitely know how important full mirrors are.

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Reasons to Invest in Custom Dresser

Reasons to Invest in Custom Dresser

When you have your mind made up about a style of furniture something that genuinely addresses your concept of magnificence yet you can't find it, you should simply make it yourself.Custom furniture? Top notch Custom Dresser is winding up increasingly better known among property holders around the nation.

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Good Reasons to Invest in Projects in the Southeast

Good Reasons to Invest in Projects in the Southeast

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) of 2017 resulted in an increased number of American renters looking for housing with a lower cost of living and a growing economy. Since more investors are looking at territories with no state income tax, it has become clear that the Southeast is a hotspot for investment and will continue to be attractive to investors across the country..To know more visit our website - https://liveoakcontracting.com/ Address - Company: Live Oak Contracting, LLC Address: 100 North Laura Street, Suite 900, City: Jacksonville, State: USA, Zip code: 32202., Phone number: (904) 497-1500

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Reasons to Invest in Diamond Jewellery

Reasons to Invest in Diamond Jewellery

Investing in diamonds comes with physical closeness that is only offered in diamonds and not any other investment tools. If youu2019re choose to buy diamond jewellery online, you must keep a close eye on the performance and current position of the invested markets. Plus, owning diamonds is absolutely a low maintenance job.

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Reasons To Invest In A Duplex

Reasons To Invest In A Duplex

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COMMENTS

  1. Home

    At Presentation Primary each pupil is seen as a unique, talented and gifted person. The dedicated staff in our school strive to nurture and develop the uniqueness in each child in a caring and helpful way. We believe in a holistic education and aim to provide a warm and caring environment where pupils can achieve their full potential ...

  2. Presentation Primary School Bandon

    Presentation Primary School Bandon, Bandon, Ireland. 633 likes · 76 talking about this · 12 were here. Girls Primary School

  3. Staff

    Principal: Gillian Kelly. ASD Classes: Hilary Wilson, Amie Twomey. Junior Infant Class: Sarah Walsh. Senior Infant Class: Christina Close/Áine O'Neill

  4. Contact

    Presentation Primary School, Dunmanway Road, Bandon, Co. Cork. P72 DF21 Landline: 0238841809 Mobile: 0851121862 email: [email protected] ...

  5. History

    On 20th May 1829 the Presentation Convent opened its doors to the children of Bandon (boys and girls). As there was no school yet built the children all attended class in the convent. The first Presentation School was built in 1876. The school building we are in now comprises of twelve classrooms. This school was built in 1973. In 1983 an ...

  6. Location

    Presentation Primary School, Dunmanway Road, Bandon, Co. Cork. Copyright © 2021 Presentation Primary Bandon Designed & Developed by Miword Presentation Primary ...

  7. Presentation Primary School Bandon

    Presentation Primary School Bandon. 633 likes • 751 followers. Posts. About. Reels. Photos. Videos. More. Posts. About. Reels. Photos. Videos. Presentation Primary ...

  8. Home

    Junior Infants schooling show at Presentation Primary School Bandon thanks go Hilary O'Farrell for letting der share a photo. Our middle has been educating the children of Bandon after 1876 real nowadays nearly 150 yearly later we continue this tradition with pride and dedication. It is my fun and honour to have get Principals of this school ...

  9. Enrolment

    3. Do you give permission for the school support staff to undertake diagnostic testing, should it be deemed beneficial? Yes No. 4. Do you give permission for your child's photograph to be taken and used on the School Website, Facebook page, Instagram page, or for school events being reported in local media publications? Yes No. 5.

  10. Presentation Convent, Cork West County on SchoolDays.ie

    Presentation Convent--- Phone: 023 8841809 Bandon Co Cork ,Cork West County P72DF21 Primary School Roll number: 05257P e: [email protected]. w: presentationprimarybandon.com Principal: Gillian Kelly Enrolment: Girls: 196 (2023/24) Ethos: Catholic Fees:

  11. School News Archives

    Presentation Primary School have begun our application for an Active School Flag. An Active School is a school where physical activity is valued, promoted and enjoyed by all. ... School Mural - Bandon landscape. Sep 23, 2022 | 1st Class, 2nd Class, 3rd Class, 4th Class, 5th Class, 6th Class, Junior Infants, Ms. Dullea, Ms. Walsh, Photos ...

  12. Presentation Primary School Bandon

    Presentation Primary School Bandon · June 19, 2018 · +36. Bandon Camogie Club · June 19, 2018 · We had a lovely morning in Presentation Primary Bandon today, where we ran off a camogie blitz for girls from 2rd to 6th class. We met loads of enthusiastic girls, who really enjoyed playing camogie today.

  13. Presentation Primary School Bandon

    29/03/2023. Presentation Primary School Bandon is looking for a Bus Es**rt for predominately a town school run. The bus es**rt will work 15 hours a week for the school term at a rate of €13.40 per hour + 8% holiday pay. The hours are from 7.45a.m. - 8.45 a.m. and 2.15 p.m until 3.45 pm.

  14. Presentation Primary School Bandon

    It's Heritage Week ! and we are really exciting about all the fab events on in Bandon Walled Town Festival. One of our key aims is to promote interest and awareness of the history and heritage...

  15. STARTING SCHOOL A Guide for Parents

    The Code of Discipline is adopted by the Board of Management of Presentation Primary School, Bandon in accordance with the guidelines set out in Department of Education Circular 20/90, and with the rule 130 of the Rules for National Schools (as amended by Circular 8/88) having regard to the need of the school and of the wider community. 13

  16. Policies

    Select Page. Admissions Policy Admissions Notice Anti Bullying Anti - Cyber - Bullying Policy

  17. gov

    Roll Number : 05257P : Local name of school : BANDON CONVENT : School Level : PRIMARY : School Level Detail : ORDINARY : Principal's Name : GILLIAN KELLY : Ethos

  18. Presentation Primary School

    Presentation Primary School in Bandon, reviews by real people. Yelp is a fun and easy way to find, recommend and talk about what's great and not so great in Bandon and beyond.

  19. Scoil Phádraig Naofa

    For a bright future. Our school community works together to support children to be happy, well rounded citizens of the world. We help them to reach their potential academically, socially and personally. Scoil Phádraig Naofa aims to foster a love of learning through a holistic education in a safe welcoming environment where each child is valued.

  20. Coláiste na Toirbhirte

    Presentation College, Bandon, Cork. Principal's Welcome. Mission Statement. School Day. Change of Status. Information. LATEST NEWS. 1st Year Camogie Blitz. Apr 19, 2024. 3rd Yr Student Erin McCarthy selected for Munster U17 rugby squad. Apr 3, 2024.

  21. Julia Parshina

    Guandong, China. 1) Teaching Oral English and Science to primary school students. 2) Planning, organizing and delivering classes in English and Russian. 3) Organizing and taking part in extra ...

  22. Provincial Russia: Voronezh Province, 1861-1921

    By the 1890s, primary schools throughout the province fuelled the expansion of basic education and literacy with the annual growth of enrolments topping 10 per cent. In 1904, nearly 45 per cent of the 1,678 primary schools in Voronezh were run by secular authorities and they educated nearly 60 per cent of the 116,127 elementary school pupils.

  23. reasons to invest in the Voronezh Region

    Alexander Gusev Vice-Governor, First Deputy Chairman of the Voronezh Region Government +7 473 255-38-78 [email protected] www.govvrn.ru Developed by 25. Government of the Voronezh Region. 5. reasons to invest in the Voronezh Region. The Voronezh Region boasts a favourable investment climate. Voronezh Region.