essay of confucianism

Friday Essay: an introduction to Confucius, his ideas and their lasting relevance

Senior Lecturer in Chinese Studies, The University of Western Australia

Disclosure statement

Yu Tao does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

University of Western Australia provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation AU.

View all partners

The man widely known in the English language as Confucius was born around 551 BCE in today’s southern Shandong Province. Confucius is the phonic translation of the Chinese word Kong fuzi 孔夫子, in which Kong 孔 was his surname and fuzi is an honorific for learned men.

Widely credited for creating the system of thought we now call Confucianism, this learned man insisted he was “not a maker but a transmitter”, merely “believing in and loving the ancients”. In this, Confucius could be seen as acting modestly and humbly, virtues he thought of highly.

Or, as Kang Youwei — a leading reformer in modern China has argued — Confucius tactically framed his revolutionary ideas as lost ancient virtues so his arguments would be met with fewer criticisms and less hostility.

Confucius looked nothing like the great sage in his own time as he is widely known in ours. To his contemporaries, he was perhaps foremost an unemployed political adviser who wandered around different fiefdoms for some years, attempting to sell his political ideas to different rulers — but never able to strike a deal.

It seems Confucius would have preferred to live half a millennium earlier, when China — according to him — was united under benevolent, competent and virtuous rulers at the dawn of the Zhou dynasty. By his own time, China had become a divided land with hundreds of small fiefdoms, often ruled by greedy, cruel or mediocre lords frequently at war.

But this frustrated scholar’s ideas have profoundly shaped politics and ethics in and beyond China ever since his death in 479 BCE. The greatest and the most influential Chinese thinker, his concept of filial piety, remains highly valued among young people in China , despite rapid changes in the country’s demography.

Despite some doubts as to whether many Chinese people take his ideas seriously, the ideas of Confucius remain directly and closely relevant to contemporary China.

This situation perhaps is comparable to Christianity in Australia. Although institutional participation is in constant decline, Christian values and narratives remain influential on Australian politics and vital social matters .

The danger today is in Confucianism being considered the single reason behind China’s success or failure. The British author Martin Jacques, for example, recently asserted Confucianism was the “biggest single reason” for East Asia’s success in the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, without giving any explanation or justification.

If Confucius were alive, he would probably not hesitate to call out this solitary root of triumph or disaster as being lazy, incorrect and unwise.

Political structure and mutual responsibilities

Confucius wanted to restore good political order by persuading rulers to reestablish moral standards, exemplify appropriate social relations, perform time-honoured rituals and provide social welfare.

He worked hard to promote his ideas but won few supporters. Almost every ruler saw punishment and military force as shortcuts to greater power.

It was not until 350 years later during the reign of the Emperor Wu of Han that Confucianism was installed as China’s state ideology.

But this state-sanctioned version of Confucianism was not an honest revitalisation of Confucius’ ideas. Instead, it absorbed many elements from rival schools of thought, notably legalism , which emerged in the latter half of China’s Warring States period (453–221 BCE). Legalism argued efficient governance relies on impersonal laws and regulations — rather than moral principles and rites.

Like most great thinkers of the Axial Age between the 8th and 3rd century BCE, Confucius did not believe everyone was created equal.

Similar to Plato (born over 100 years later), Confucius believed the ideal society followed a hierarchy. When asked by Duke Jing of Qi about government, Confucius famously replied:

let the ruler be a ruler; the minister, a minister; the father, a father; the son, a son.

However it would be a superficial reading of Confucius to believe he called for unconditional obedience to rulers or superiors. Confucius advised a disciple “not to deceive the ruler but to stand up to them”.

Confucius believed the legitimacy of a regime fundamentally relies on the confidence of the people. A ruler should tirelessly work hard and “lead by example”.

Like in a family, a good son listens to his father, and a good father wins respect not by imposing force or seniority but by offering heartfelt love, support, guidance and care.

In other words, Confucius saw a mutual relationship between the ruler and the ruled.

Love and respect for social harmony

To Confucius, the appropriate relations between family members are not merely metaphors for ideal political orders, but the basic fabrics of a harmonious society.

An essential family value in Confucius’ ideas is xiao 孝, or filial piety, a concept explained in at least 15 different ways in the Analects, a collection of the words from Confucius and his followers.

Read more: Can Ne Zha, the Chinese superhero with $1b at the box office, teach us how to raise good kids?

Depending on the context, Confucius defined filial piety as respecting parents, as “never diverging” from parents, as not letting parents feel unnecessary anxiety, as serving parents with etiquette when they are alive, and as burying and commemorating parents with propriety after they pass away.

Confucius expected rulers to exemplify good family values. When Ji Kang Zi, the powerful prime minister of Confucius’ home state of Lu asked for advice on keeping people loyal to the realm, Confucius responded by asking the ruler to demonstrate filial piety and benignity ( ci 慈).

Confucius viewed moral and ethical principles not merely as personal matters, but as social assets. He profoundly believed social harmony ultimately relies on virtuous citizens rather than sophisticated institutions.

In the ideas of Confucius, the most important moral principle is ren 仁, a concept that can hardly be translated into English without losing some of its meaning.

Like filial piety, ren is manifested in the love and respect one has for others. But ren is not restricted among family members and does not rely on blood or kinship. Ren guides people to follow their conscience. People with ren have strong compassion and empathy towards others.

Translators arguing for a single English equivalent for ren have attempted to interpret the concept as “benevolence”, “humanity”, “humanness” and “goodness”, none of which quite capture the full significance of the term.

The challenge in translating ren is not a linguistic one. Although the concept appears more than 100 times in the Analects, Confucius did not give one neat definition. Instead, he explained the term in many different ways.

As summarised by China historian Daniel Gardner , Confucius defined ren as:

to love others, to subdue the self and return to ritual propriety, to be respectful, tolerant, trustworthy, diligent, and kind, to be possessed of courage, to be free from worry, or to be resolute and firm.

Instead of searching for an explicit definition of ren , it is perhaps wise to view the concept as an ideal type of the highest and ultimate virtue Confucius believed good people should pursue.

Relevance in contemporary China

Confucius’ thinking hs had a profound impact on almost every great Chinese thinker since. Based upon his ideas, Mencius (372–289 BCE) and Xunzi (c310–c235 BCE) developed different schools of thought within the system of Confucianism.

Arguing against these ideas, Mohism (4th century BCE), Daoism (4th century BCE), Legalism (3rd century BCE) and many other influential systems of thought emerged in the 400 years after Confucius’ time, going on to shape many aspects of the Chinese civilisation in the last two millennia.

Modern China has a complicated relationship with Confucius and his ideas.

Since the early 20th century, many intellectuals influenced by western thought started denouncing Confucianism as the reason for China’s national humiliations since the first Opium War (1839-42).

Confucius received fierce criticism from both liberals and Marxists .

Hu Shih , a leader of China’s New Culture Movement in the 1910s and 1920s and an alumnus of Columbia University , advocated overthrowing the “House of Confucius”.

Mao Zedong, the founder of the People’s Republic of China, also repeatedly denounced Confucius and Confucianism. Between 1973 and 1975, Mao devoted the last political campaign in his life against Confucianism.

Read more: To make sense of modern China, you simply can't ignore Marxism

Despite these fierce criticisms and harsh persecutions, Confucius’ ideas remain in the minds and hearts of many Chinese people, both in and outside China.

One prominent example is PC Chang , another Chinese alumnus of Columbia University, who was instrumental in drafting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on December 10 1948. Thanks to Chang’s efforts , the spirit of some most essential Confucian ideas, such as ren , was deeply embedded in the Declaration.

Today, many Chinese parents, as well as the Chinese state, are keen children be provided a more Confucian education .

In 2004, the Chinese government named its initiative of promoting language and culture overseas after Confucius, and its leadership has been enthusiastically embracing Confucius’ lessons to consolidate their legitimacy and ruling in the 21st century.

Read more: Explainer: what are Confucius Institutes and do they teach Chinese propaganda?

• Chinese history
• Friday essay
• Chinese politics

Lecturer in Indigenous Health (Identified)

Social Media Producer

Lecturer in Physiotherapy

PhD Scholarship

Senior Lecturer, HRM or People Analytics

ENCYCLOPEDIC ENTRY

Confucianism.

Confucianism is one of the most influential religious philosophies in the history of China, and it has existed for over 2,500 years. It is concerned with inner virtue, morality, and respect for the community and its values.

Religion, Social Studies, Ancient Civilizations

Confucian Philosopher Mencius

Confucianism is an ancient Chinese belief system, which focuses on the importance of personal ethics and morality. Whether it is only or a philosophy or also a religion is debated.

Photograph by Historica Graphica Collection/Heritage Images/Getty Images, taken from Myths and Legends of China

Confucianism is a philosophy and belief system from ancient China, which laid the foundation for much of Chinese culture. Confucius was a philosopher and teacher who lived from 551 to 479 B.C.E. His thoughts on ethics , good behavior, and moral character were written down by his disciples in several books, the most important being the Lunyu . Confucianism believes in ancestor worship and human-centered virtues for living a peaceful life. The golden rule of Confucianism is “Do not do unto others what you would not want others to do unto you.” There is debate over if Confucianism is a religion. Confucianism is best understood as an ethical guide to life and living with strong character. Yet, Confucianism also began as a revival of an earlier religious tradition. There are no Confucian gods, and Confucius himself is worshipped as a spirit rather than a god. However, there are temples of Confucianism , which are places where important community and civic rituals happen. This debate remains unresolved and many people refer to Confucianism as both a religion and a philosophy. The main idea of Confucianism is the importance of having a good moral character, which can then affect the world around that person through the idea of “cosmic harmony.” If the emperor has moral perfection, his rule will be peaceful and benevolent. Natural disasters and conflict are the result of straying from the ancient teachings. This moral character is achieved through the virtue of ren, or “humanity,” which leads to more virtuous behaviours, such as respect, altruism , and humility. Confucius believed in the importance of education in order to create this virtuous character. He thought that people are essentially good yet may have strayed from the appropriate forms of conduct. Rituals in Confucianism were designed to bring about this respectful attitude and create a sense of community within a group. The idea of “ filial piety ,” or devotion to family, is key to Confucius thought. This devotion can take the form of ancestor worship, submission to parental authority, or the use of family metaphors, such as “son of heaven,” to describe the emperor and his government. The family was the most important group for Confucian ethics , and devotion to family could only strengthen the society surrounding it. While Confucius gave his name to Confucianism , he was not the first person to discuss many of the important concepts in Confucianism . Rather, he can be understood as someone concerned with the preservation of traditional Chinese knowledge from earlier thinkers. After Confucius’ death, several of his disciples compiled his wisdom and carried on his work. The most famous of these disciples were Mencius and Xunzi, both of whom developed Confucian thought further. Confucianism remains one of the most influential philosophies in China. During the Han Dynasty, emperor Wu Di (reigned 141–87 B.C.E.) made Confucianism the official state ideology. During this time, Confucius schools were established to teach Confucian ethics . Confucianism existed alongside Buddhism and Taoism for several centuries as one of the most important Chinese religions. In the Song Dynasty (960–1279 C.E.) the influence from Buddhism and Taoism brought about “Neo- Confucianism ,” which combined ideas from all three religions. However, in the Qing dynasty (1644–1912 C.E.), many scholars looked for a return to the older ideas of Confucianism , prompting a Confucian revival.

Media Credits

The audio, illustrations, photos, and videos are credited beneath the media asset, except for promotional images, which generally link to another page that contains the media credit. The Rights Holder for media is the person or group credited.

Production Managers

Program specialists, last updated.

March 6, 2024

User Permissions

For information on user permissions, please read our Terms of Service. If you have questions about how to cite anything on our website in your project or classroom presentation, please contact your teacher. They will best know the preferred format. When you reach out to them, you will need the page title, URL, and the date you accessed the resource.

If a media asset is downloadable, a download button appears in the corner of the media viewer. If no button appears, you cannot download or save the media.

Text on this page is printable and can be used according to our Terms of Service .

Interactives

Any interactives on this page can only be played while you are visiting our website. You cannot download interactives.

Related Resources

• Table of Contents
• Random Entry
• Chronological
• Editorial Information
• About the SEP
• Editorial Board
• How to Cite the SEP
• Special Characters
• Advanced Tools
• Support the SEP
• PDFs for SEP Friends
• Make a Donation
• SEPIA for Libraries
• Entry Contents

Bibliography

Academic tools.

• Friends PDF Preview
• Author and Citation Info
• Back to Top

At different times in Chinese history, Confucius (trad. 551–479 BCE) has been portrayed as a teacher, advisor, editor, philosopher, reformer, and prophet. The name Confucius, a Latinized combination of the surname Kong 孔 with an honorific suffix “Master” ( fuzi 夫子), has also come to be used as a global metonym for different aspects of traditional East Asian society. This association of Confucius with many of the foundational concepts and cultural practices in East Asia, and his casting as a progenitor of “Eastern” thought in Early Modern Europe, make him arguably the most significant thinker in East Asian history. Yet while early sources preserve biographical details about Master Kong, dialogues and stories about him in early texts like the Analects ( Lunyu 論語) reflect a diversity of representations and concerns, strands of which were later differentially selected and woven together by interpreters intent on appropriating or condemning particular associated views and traditions. This means that the philosophy of Confucius is historically underdetermined, and it is possible to trace multiple sets of coherent doctrines back to the early period, each grounded in different sets of classical sources and schools of interpretation linked to his name. After introducing key texts and interpreters, then, this entry explores three principal interconnected areas of concern: a psychology of ritual that describes how ideal social forms regulate individuals, an ethics rooted in the cultivation of a set of personal virtues, and a theory of society and politics based on normative views of the family and the state.

Each of these areas has unique features that were developed by later thinkers, some of whom have been identified as “Confucians”, even though that term is not well-defined. The Chinese term Ru (儒) predates Confucius, and connoted specialists in ritual and music, and later experts in Classical Studies. Ru is routinely translated into English as “Confucian”. Yet “Confucian” is also sometimes used in English to refer to the sage kings of antiquity who were credited with key cultural innovations by the Ru , to sacrificial practices at temples dedicated to Confucius and related figures, and to traditional features of East Asian social organization like the “bureaucracy” or “meritocracy”. For this reason, the term Confucian will be avoided in this entry, which will focus on the philosophical aspects of the thought of Confucius (the Latinization used for “Master Kong” following the English-language convention) primarily, but not exclusively, through the lens of the Analects .

1. Confucius as Chinese Philosopher and Symbol of Traditional Culture

2. sources for confucius’s life and thought, 3. ritual psychology and social values, 4. virtues and character formation, 5. the family and the state, other internet resources, related entries.

Because of the wide range of texts and traditions identified with him, choices about which version of Confucius is authoritative have changed over time, reflecting particular political and social priorities. The portrait of Confucius as philosopher is, in part, the product of a series of modern cross-cultural interactions. In Imperial China, Confucius was identified with interpretations of the classics and moral guidelines for administrators, and therefore also with training the scholar-officials that populated the bureaucracy. At the same time, he was closely associated with the transmission of the ancient sacrificial system, and he himself received ritual offerings in temples found in all major cities. By the Han (202 BCE–220 CE), Confucius was already an authoritative figure in a number of different cultural domains, and the early commentaries show that reading texts associated with him about history, ritual, and proper behavior was important to rulers. The first commentaries to the Analects were written by tutors to the crown prince (e.g., Zhang Yu 張禹, d. 5 BCE), and select experts in the “Five Classics” ( Wujing 五經) were given scholastic positions in the government. The authority of Confucius was such that during the late Han and the following period of disunity, his imprimatur was used to validate commentaries to the classics, encoded political prophecies, and esoteric doctrines.

By the Song period (960–1279), the post-Buddhist revival known as “Neo-Confucianism” anchored readings of the dialogues of Confucius to a dualism between “cosmic pattern” ( li 理) and “ pneumas ” ( qi 氣), a distinctive moral cosmology that marked the tradition off from those of Buddhism and Daoism. The Neo-Confucian interpretation of the Analects by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) integrated the study of the Analects into a curriculum based on the “Four Books” ( Sishu 四書) that became widely influential in China, Korea, and Japan. The pre-modern Confucius was closely associated with good government, moral education, proper ritual performance, and the reciprocal obligations that people in different roles owed each other in such contexts.

When Confucius became a character in the intellectual debates of eighteenth century Europe, he became identified as China’s first philosopher. Jesuit missionaries in China sent back accounts of ancient China that portrayed Confucius as inspired by Natural Theology to pursue the good, which they considered a marked contrast with the “idolatries” of Buddhism and Daoism. Back in Europe, intellectuals read missionary descriptions and translations of Chinese literature, and writers like Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) and Nicolas-Gabriel Clerc (1726–1798) praised Confucius for his discovery of universal natural laws through reason. Enlightenment writers celebrated the moral philosophy of Confucius for its independence from the dogmatic influence of the Church. While at times he was criticized as an atheist or an advocate of despotism, many Europeans viewed Confucius as a moral philosopher whose approach was in line with rationalism and humanism.

Today, many descriptions combine these several ways of positioning Confucius, but the modern interpretation of his views has been complicated by a tendency to look back on him as an emblem of the “traditional culture” of China. In the eyes of some late nineteenth and twentieth century reformers who sought to fortify China against foreign influence, the moral teachings of Confucius had the potential to play the same role that they perceived Christianity had done in the modernization of Europe and America, or serve as the basis of a more secular spiritual renewal that would transform the population into citizens of a modern nation-state. In the twentieth century, the pursuit of modernization also led to the rejection of Confucius by some reformers in the May Fourth and New Culture movements, as well as by many in the Communist Party, who identified the traditional hierarchies implicit in his social and political philosophy with the social and economic inequalities that they sought to eliminate. In these modern debates, it is not just the status of Confucius in traditional China that made him such a potent symbol. His specific association with the curriculum of the system of education of scholar-officials in the imperial government, and of traditional moral values more generally, connected him to the aspects of tradition worth preserving, or the things that held China back from modernization, depending on one’s point of view.

As legacies of Confucius tied to traditional ritual roles and the pre-modern social structure were criticized by modernizers, a view of Confucius as a moral philosopher, already common in European readings, gained ascendancy in East Asia. The American-educated historian Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962) wrote an early influential history of Chinese philosophy, beginning with Laozi 老子 and Confucius, explicitly on the model of existing histories of Western philosophy. In it, Hu compared what he called the conservative aspect of the philosophy of Confucius to Socrates and Plato. Since at least that time, Confucius has been central to most histories of Chinese philosophy.

Biographical treatments of Confucius, beginning with the “Hereditary House of Confucius” ( Kongzi shijia 孔子世家), a chapter of Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 (c.145–c.86 BCE) Records of the Grand Historian ( Shiji 史記), were initially based on information from compilations of independently circulating dialogues and prose accounts. Tying particular elements of his philosophy to the life experiences of Confucius is a risky and potentially circular exercise, since many of the details of his biography were first recorded in instructive anecdotes linked to the expression of didactic messages. Nevertheless, since Sima Qian’s time, the biography of Confucius has been intimately linked with the interpretation of his philosophy, and so this section begins with a brief treatment of traditional tropes about his family background, official career, and teaching of 72 disciples, before turning to the dialogue and prose accounts upon which early biographers like Sima Qian drew.

Confucius was born in the domain of Zou, in modern Shandong Province, south of the larger kingdom of Lu. A date of 551 BCE is given for his birth in the Gongyang Commentary ( Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳) to the classic Spring and Autumn Annals ( Chunqiu 春秋), which places him in the period when the influence of the Zhou polity was declining, and regional domains were becoming independent states. His father, who came from Lu, was descended from a noble clan that included, in Sima Qian’s telling, several people known for their modesty and ritual mastery. His father died when Confucius was a small child, leaving the family poor but with some social status, and as a young man Confucius became known for expertise in the classical ritual and ceremonial forms of the Zhou. In adulthood, Confucius travelled to Lu and began a career as an official in the employ of aristocratic families.

Different sources identify Confucius as having held a large number of different offices in Lu. Entries in the Zuo Commentary ( Zuozhuan 左傳) to the Spring and Autumn Annals for 509 and 500 BCE identify him as Director of Corrections ( Sikou 司寇), and say he was charged with assisting the ruler with the rituals surrounding a visiting dignitary from the state of Qi, respectively. The Mencius ( Mengzi 孟子), a text centered on a figure generally regarded as the most important early developer of the thought of Confucius, Mencius (trad. 372–289 BCE), says Confucius was Foodstuffs Scribe ( Weili 委吏) and Scribe in the Field ( Chengtian 乘田), involved with managing the accounting at the granary and keeping the books on the pasturing of different animals (11.14). [ 1 ] In the first biography, Sima Qian mentions these offices, but then adds a second set of more powerful positions in Lu including Steward ( Zai 宰) managing an estate in the district of Zhongdu, Minister of Works ( Sikong 司空), and even acting Chancellor ( Xiang 相). Following his departure from Lu, different stories place Confucius in the kingdoms of Wei, Song, Chen, Cai, and Chu. Sima Qian crafted these stories into a serial narrative of rulers failing to appreciate the moral worth of Confucius, whose high standards forced him to continue to travel in search of an incorrupt ruler.

Late in life, Confucius left service and turned to teaching. In Sima Qian’s time, the sheer number of independently circulating texts centering on dialogues that Confucius had with his disciples led the biographer to include a separate chapter on “The arranged traditions of the disciples of Confucius” ( Zhong Ni dizi liezhuan 仲尼弟子列傳). His account identifies 77 direct disciples, whom Sima Qian says Confucius trained in ritual practice and the Classic of Odes ( Shijing 詩經), Classic of Documents ( Shujing 書經, also called Documents of the Predecessors or Shangshu 尚書), Records of Ritual ( Liji 禮記) and Classic of Music ( Yuejing 樂經). Altogether, some 3000 students received some form of this training regimen. Sima Qian’s editorial practice in systematizing dialogues was inclusive, and the fact that he was able to collect so much information some three centuries after the death of Confucius testifies to the latter’s importance in the Han period. Looked at in a different way, the prodigious numbers of direct disciples and students of Confucius, and the inconsistent accounts of the offices in which he served, may also be due to a proliferation of texts associating the increasingly authoritative figure of Confucius with divergent regional or interpretive traditions during those intervening centuries.

The many sources of quotations and dialogues of Confucius, both transmitted and recently excavated, provide a wealth of materials about the philosophy of Confucius, but an incomplete sense of which materials are authoritative. The last millennium has seen the development of a conventional view that materials preserved in the twenty chapters of the transmitted Analects most accurately represent Confucius’s original teachings. This derives in part from a second century CE account by Ban Gu 班固 (39–92 CE) of the composition of the Analects that describes the work as having been compiled by first and second generation disciples of Confucius and then transmitted privately for centuries, making it arguably the oldest stratum of extant Confucius sources. In the centuries since, some scholars have come up with variations on this basic account, such as Liu Baonan’s 劉寳楠 (1791–1855) view in Corrected Meanings of the Analects ( Lunyu zhengyi 論語正義) that each chapter was written by a different disciple. Recently, several centuries of doubts about internal inconsistencies in the text and a lack of references to the title in early sources were marshaled by classicist Zhu Weizheng 朱維錚 in an influential 1986 article which argued that the lack of attributed quotations from the Analects , and of explicit references to it, prior to the second century BCE, meant that its traditional status as the oldest stratum of the teachings of Confucius was undeserved. Since then a number of historians, including Michael J. Hunter, have systematically shown that writers started to demonstrate an acute interest in the Analects only in the late second and first centuries BCE, suggesting that other Confucius-related records from those centuries should also be considered as potentially authoritative sources. Some have suggested this critical approach to sources is an attack on the historicity of Confucius, but a more reasonable description is that it is an attack on the authoritativeness of the Analects that broadens and diversifies the sources that may be used to reconstruct the historical Confucius.

Expanding the corpus of Confucius quotations and dialogues beyond the Analects , then, requires attention to three additional types of sources. First, dialogues preserved in transmitted sources like the Records of Ritual, the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual ( DaDai Liji 大戴禮記), and Han collections like the Family Discussions of Confucius ( Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語) contain a large number of diverse teachings. Second, quotations attached to the interpretation of passages in the classics preserved in works like the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals , or Han’s Intertextual Commentary on the Odes ( Han Shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳) are particularly rich sources for readings of history and poetry. Finally, a number of recently archaeologically recovered texts from the Han period and before have also expanded the corpus.

Newly discovered sources include three recently excavated versions of texts with parallel to the transmitted Analects . These are the 1973 excavation at the Dingzhou site in Hebei Province dating to 55 BCE; the 1990’s excavation of a partial parallel version at Jongbaekdong in Pyongyang, North Korea, dating to between 62 and 45 BCE; and most recently the 2011–2015 excavation of the tomb of the Marquis of Haihun in Jiangxi Province dating to 59 BCE. The Haihun excavation is particularly important because it is thought to contain the two lost chapters of what Han period sources identify as a 22-chapter version of the Analects that circulated in the state of Qi, the titles of which appear to be “Understanding the Way” ( Zhi dao 智道) and “Questions about Jade” ( Wen yu 問玉). While the Haihun Analects has yet to be published, the content of the lost chapters overlaps with a handful of fragments dating to the late first century BCE that were found at the Jianshui Jinguan site in Jinta county in Gansu Province in 1973. All in all, these finds confirm the sudden wide circulation of the Analects in the middle of the first century BCE.

Previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations have also been unearthed. The Dingzhou site also yielded texts given the titles “Sayings of the Ru” ( Rujiazhe yan 儒家者言) and “Duke Ai asked about the five kinds of righteousness” ( Aigong wen wuyi 哀公問五義). A significantly different text also given the name “Sayings of the Ru” was found in 1977 in a Han tomb at Fuyang in Anhui Province. Several texts dating to 168 BCE recording statements by Confucius about the Classic of Changes ( Yijing 易經) were excavated from the Mawangdui site in Hunan Province in 1973. Additionally, a number of Warring States period dialogical texts centered on particular disciples, and a text with interpretative comments by Confucius on the Classic of Poetry given the name “Confucius discusses the Odes ” ( Kongzi shilun 孔子詩論), were looted from tombs in the 1990s, sold on the black market, and made their way to the Shanghai Museum. The 59 BCE tomb of the Marquis of Haihun also contains a number of previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations on ritual and filial piety, along with materials that overlap with sections of transmitted texts including the Analects , Records of Ritual and the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual . Another unprovenanced manuscript, now curated by Anhui University, “Zhong Ni said” ( Zhong Ni yue 仲尼曰) has around two dozen sayings, seven of which overlap with the modern Analects . Most recently, initial reports about a 2021 excavation at Wangjiazui 王家嘴 in Hubei province of an unknown number of sayings entitled “Kongzi said,” ( Kongzi yue 孔子曰) indicate it only partially overlaps with the Analects . These new finds suggest that a larger number of sayings attributed to Kongzi once circulated together, with certain ones being selected out for inclusion in works like the Records of Ritual and the Analects .

Some excavated texts, like the pre-Han period “Thicket of Sayings” ( Yucong 語叢) apothegms excavated at the Guodian site in Hubei Province in 1993, contain fragments of the Analects in circulation without attribution to Confucius. Transmitted materials also show some of the quotations attributed to Confucius in the Analects in the mouths of other historical figures. The fluidity and diversity of Confucius-related materials in circulation prior to the fixing of the Analects text in the second century BCE, suggest that the Analects itself, with its keen interest in ritual, personal ethics, and politics, may well have been in part a topical selection from a larger and more diverse set of available Confucius-related materials. In other words, there were already multiple topical foci prior to any horizon by which we can definitively deem any single focus to be authoritative. It is for this reason that the essential core of the teachings of Confucius is historically underdetermined, and the correct identification of the core teachings is still avidly debated. The following sections treat three key aspects of the philosophy of Confucius, each different but all interrelated, found throughout many of these diverse sets of sources: a theory of how ritual and musical performance functioned to promote unselfishness and train emotions, advice on how to inculcate a set of personal virtues to prepare people to behave morally in different domains of their lives, and a social and political philosophy that abstracted classical ideals of proper conduct in family and official contexts to apply to more general contexts.

The Records of Ritual , the Analects , and numerous Han collections portray Confucius as being deeply concerned with the proper performance of ritual and music. In such works, the description of the attitudes and affect of the performer became the foundation of a ritual psychology in which proper performance was key to reforming desires and beginning to develop moral dispositions. Confucius sought to preserve the Zhou ritual system, and theorized about how ritual and music inculcated social roles, limited desires and transformed character.

Many biographies begin their description of his life with a story of Confucius at an early age performing rituals, reflecting accounts and statements that demonstrate his prodigious mastery of ritual and music. The archaeological record shows that one legacy of the Zhou period into which Confucius was born was a system of sumptuary regulations that encoded social status. Another of these legacies was ancestral sacrifice, a means to demonstrate people’s reverence for their ancestors while also providing a way to ask the spirits to assist them or to guarantee them protection from harm. The Analects describes the ritual mastery of Confucius in receiving guests at a noble’s home (10.3), and in carrying out sacrifices (10.8, 15.1). He plays the stone chimes (14.39), distinguishes between proper and improper music (15.11, 17.18), and extols and explains the Classic of Odes to his disciples (1.15, 2.2, 8.3, 16.13, 17.9). This mastery of classical ritual and musical forms is an important reason Confucius said he “followed Zhou” (3.14). While he might alter a detail of a ritual out of frugality (9.3), Confucius insists on adherence to the letter of the rites, as when his disciple Zi Gong 子貢 sought to substitute another animal for a sheep in a seasonal sacrifice, saying “though you care about the sheep, I care about the ritual” (3.17). It was in large part this adherence to Zhou period cultural forms, or to what Confucius reconstructed them to be, that has led many in the modern period to label him a traditionalist.

Where Confucius clearly innovated was in his rationale for performing the rites and music. Historian Yan Buke 閻步克 has argued that the early Confucian ( Ru ) tradition began from the office of the “Music master” ( Yueshi 樂師) described in the Ritual of Zhou ( Zhou Li 周禮). Yan’s view is that since these officials were responsible for teaching the rites, music, and the Classic of Odes , it was their combined expertise that developed into the particular vocation that shaped the outlook of Confucius. Early discussions of ritual in the Zhou classics often explained ritual in terms of a do ut des view of making offerings to receive benefits. By contrast, early discussions between Confucius and his disciples described benefits of ritual performance that went beyond the propitiation of spirits, rewards from the ancestors, or the maintenance of the social or cosmic order. Instead of emphasizing goods that were external to the performer, these works stressed the value of the associated interior psychological states of the practitioner. In Analects 3.26, Confucius condemns the performance of ritual without reverence ( jing 敬). He also condemns views of ritual that focus only on the offerings, or views of music that focus only on the instruments (17.11). Passages from the Records of Ritual explain that Confucius would rather have an excess of reverence than an excess of ritual (“ Tangong, shang ” 檀弓上), and that reverence is the most important aspect of mourning rites (“ Zaji, xia ” 雜記下). This emphasis on the importance of an attitude of reverence became the salient distinction between performing ritual in a rote manner, and performing it in the proper affective state. Another passage from the Records of Ritual says the difference between how an ideal gentleman and a lesser person cares for a parent is that the gentleman is reverent when he does it (“ Fangji ” 坊記, cf. Analects 2.7). In contexts concerning both ritual and filial piety ( xiao 孝), the affective state behind the action is arguably more important than the action’s consequences. As Philip J. Ivanhoe has written, ritual and music are not just an indicator of values in the sense that these examples show, but also an inculcator of them.

In this ritual psychology, the performance of ritual and music restricts desires because it alters the performer’s affective states, and place limits on appetitive desires. The Records of Ritual illustrates desirable affective states, describing how the Zhou founder King Wen 文 was moved to joy when making offerings to his deceased parents, but then to grief once the ritual ended (“ Jiyi ” 祭義). A collection associated with the third century BCE philosopher Xunzi 荀子 contains a Confucius quotation that associates different parts of a ruler’s day with particular emotions. Entering the ancestral temple to make offerings and maintain a connection to those who are no longer living leads the ruler to reflect on sorrow, while wearing a cap to hear legal cases leads him to reflect on worry (“ Aigong ” 哀公). These are examples of the way that ritual fosters the development of particular emotional responses, part of a sophisticated understanding of affective states and the ways that performance channels them in particular directions. More generally, the social conventions implicit in ritual hierarchies restrict people’s latitude to pursue their desires, as the master explains in the Records of Ritual:

The way of the gentleman may be compared to an embankment dam, bolstering those areas where ordinary people are deficient (“ Fangji ”).

Blocking the overflow of desires by adhering to these social norms preserves psychological space to reflect and reform one’s reactions.

Descriptions of the early community depict Confucius creating a subculture in which ritual provided an alternate source of value, effectively training his disciples to opt out of conventional modes of exchange. In the Analects , when Confucius says he would instruct any person who presented him with “a bundle of dried meat” (7.7), he is highlighting how his standards of value derive from the sacrificial system, eschewing currency or luxury items. Gifts valuable in ordinary situations might be worth little by such standards: “Even if a friend gave him a gift of a carriage and horses, if it was not dried meat, he did not bow” (10.15). The Han period biographical materials in Records of the Historian describe how a high official of the state of Lu did not come to court for three days after the state of Qi made him a gift of female entertainers. When, additionally, the high official failed to properly offer gifts of sacrificial meats, Confucius departed Lu for the state of Wei (47, cf. Analects 18.4). Confucius repeatedly rejected conventional values of wealth and position, choosing instead to rely on ritual standards of value. In some ways, these stories are similar to ones in the late Warring States and Han period compilation Master Zhuang ( Zhuangzi 莊子) that explore the way that things that are conventionally belittled for their lack of utility are useful by an unconventional standard. However, here the standard that gives such objects currency is ritual importance rather than longevity, divorcing Confucius from conventional materialistic or hedonistic pursuits. This is a second way that ritual allows one to direct more effort into character formation.

Once, when speaking of cultivating benevolence, Confucius explained how ritual value was connected to the ideal way of the gentleman, which should always take precedence over the pursuit of conventional values:

Wealth and high social status are what others covet. If I cannot prosper by following the way, I will not dwell in them. Poverty and low social status are what others shun. If I cannot prosper by following the way, I will not avoid them. (4.5)

The argument that ritual performance has internal benefits underlies the ritual psychology laid out by Confucius, one that explains how performing ritual and music controls desires and sets the stage for further moral development.

Many of the short passages from the Analects , and the “Thicket of Sayings” passages excavated at Guodian, describe the development of set of ideal behaviors associated with the moral ideal of the “way” ( dao 道) of the “gentleman” ( junzi 君子). Based on the analogy between the way of Confucius and character ethics systems deriving from Aristotle, these patterns of behavior are today often described using the Latinate term “virtue”. In the second passage in the Analects , the disciple You Ruo 有若 says a person who behaves with filial piety to parents and siblings ( xiao and di 弟), and who avoids going against superiors, will rarely disorder society. It relates this correlation to a more general picture of how patterns of good behavior effectively open up the possibility of following the way of the gentleman: “The gentleman works at the roots. Once the roots are established, the way comes to life” (1.2). The way of the gentleman is a distillation of the exemplary behaviors of the selfless culture heroes of the past, and is available to all who are willing to “work at the roots”. In this way, the virtues that Confucius taught were not original to him, but represented his adaptations of existing cultural ideals, to which he continually returned in order to clarify their proper expressions in different situations. Five behaviors of the gentleman most central to the Analects are benevolence ( ren 仁), righteousness ( yi 義), ritual propriety ( li 禮), wisdom ( zhi 智), and trustworthiness ( xin 信).

The virtue of benevolence entails interacting with others guided by a sense of what is good from their perspectives. Sometimes the Analects defines benevolence generally as “caring for others” (12.22), but in certain contexts it is associated with more specific behaviors. Examples of contextual definitions of benevolence include treating people on the street as important guests and common people as if they were attendants at a sacrifice (12.2), being reticent in speaking (12.3) and rejecting the use of clever speech (1.3), and being respectful where one dwells, reverent where one works, and loyal where one deals with others (13.19). It is the broadest of the virtues, yet a gentleman would rather die than compromise it (15.9). Benevolence entails a kind of unselfishness, or, as David Hall and Roger Ames suggest, it involves forming moral judgments from a combined perspective of self and others.

Later writers developed accounts of the sources of benevolent behavior, most famously in the context of the discussion of human nature ( xing 性) in the centuries after Confucius. Mencius (fourth century BCE) argued that benevolence grows out of the cultivation of an affective disposition to compassion ( ceyin 惻隱) in the face of another’s distress. The anonymous author of the late Warring States period excavated text “Five Kinds of Action” ( Wu xing 五行) describes it as building from the affection one feels for close family members, through successive stages to finally develop into a more universal, fully-fledged virtue. In the Analects , however, one comment on human nature emphasizes the importance of nurture: “By nature people are close, by habituation they are miles apart” (17.2), a sentiment that suggests the importance of training one’s dispositions through ritual and the classics in a manner closer to the program of Xunzi (third century BCE). The Analects , however, discusses the incubation of benevolent behavior in family and ritual contexts. You Ruo winds up his discussion of the roots of the way of the gentleman with the rhetorical question: “Is not behaving with filial piety to one’s parents and siblings the root of benevolence?” (1.2). Confucius tells his disciple Yan Yuan 顏淵 that benevolence is a matter of “overcoming oneself and returning to ritual propriety” (12.1). These connections between benevolence and other virtues underscore the way in which benevolent behavior does not entail creating novel social forms or relationships, but is grounded in traditional familial and ritual networks.

The second virtue, righteousness, is often described in the Analects relative to situations involving public responsibility. In contexts where standards of fairness and integrity are valuable, such as acting as the steward of an estate as some of the disciples of Confucius did, righteousness is what keeps a person uncorrupted. Confucius wrote that a gentleman “thinks of righteousness when faced with gain” (16.10, 19.10), or “when faced with profit” (14.12). Confucius says that one should ignore the wealth and rank one might attain by acting against righteousness, even if it means eating coarse rice, drinking water, and sleeping using one’s bent arm as a pillow (7.16). Later writers like Xunzi celebrated Confucius for his righteousness in office, which he stressed was all the more impressive because Confucius was extremely poor (“ Wangba ” 王霸). This behavior is particularly relevant in official interactions with ordinary people, such as when “employing common people” (5.16), and if a social superior has mastered it, “the common people will all comply” (13.4). Like benevolence, righteousness also entails unselfishness, but instead of coming out of consideration for the needs of others, it is rooted in steadfastness in the face of temptation.

The perspective needed to act in a righteous way is sometimes related to an attitude to personal profit that recalls the previous section’s discussion of how Confucius taught his disciples to recalibrate their sense of value based on their immersion in the sacrificial system. More specifically, evaluating things based on their ritual significance can put one at odds with conventional hierarchies of value. This is defined as the root of righteous behavior in a story from the late Warring States period text Master Fei of Han ( Han Feizi 韓非子). The tale relates how at court, Confucius was given a plate with a peach and a pile of millet grains with which to scrub the fruit clean. After the attendants laughed at Confucius for proceeding to eat the millet first, Confucius explained to them that in sacrifices to the Former Kings, millet itself is the most valued offering. Therefore, cleaning a ritually base peach with millet:

would be obstructing righteousness, and so I dared not put [the peach] above what fills the vessels in the ancestral shrine. (“ Waichu shuo, zuo shang ” 外儲說左上)

While such stories may have been told to mock his fastidiousness, for Confucius the essence of righteousness was internalizing a system of value that he would breach for neither convenience nor profit.

At times, the phrase “benevolence and righteousness” is used metonymically for all the virtues, but in some later texts, a benevolent impulse to compassion and a righteous steadfastness are seen as potentially contradictory. In the Analects , portrayals of Confucius do not recognize a tension between benevolence and righteousness, perhaps because each is usually described as salient in a different set of contexts. In ritual contexts like courts or shrines, one ideally acts like one might act out of familial affection in a personal context, the paradigm that is key to benevolence. In the performance of official duties, one ideally acts out of the responsibilities felt to inferiors and superiors, with a resistance to temptation by corrupt gain that is key to righteousness. The Records of Ritual distinguishes between the domains of these two virtues:

In regulating one’s household, kindness overrules righteousness. Outside of one’s house, righteousness cuts off kindness. What one undertakes in serving one’s father, one also does in serving one’s lord, because one’s reverence for both is the same. Treating nobility in a noble way and the honorable in an honorable way, is the height of righteousness. (“ Sangfu sizhi ” 喪服四制)

While it is not the case that righteousness is benevolence by other means, this passage underlines how in different contexts, different virtues may push people toward participation in particular shared cultural practices constitutive of the good life.

While the virtues of benevolence and righteousness might impel a gentleman to adhere to ritual norms in particular situations or areas of life, a third virtue of “ritual propriety” expresses a sensitivity to one’s social place, and willingness to play all of one’s multiple ritual roles. The term li translated here as “ritual propriety” has a particularly wide range of connotations, and additionally connotes both the conventions of ritual and etiquette. In the Analects, Confucius is depicted both teaching and conducting the rites in the manner that he believed they were conducted in antiquity. Detailed restrictions such as “the gentleman avoids wearing garments with red-black trim” (10.6), which the poet Ezra Pound disparaged as “verses re: length of the night-gown and the predilection for ginger” (Pound 1951: 191), were by no means trivial to Confucius. His imperative, “Do not look or listen, speak or move, unless it is in accordance with the rites” (12.1), in answer to a question about benevolence, illustrates how the symbolic conventions of the ritual system played a role in the cultivation of the virtues. We have seen how ritual shapes values by restricting desires, thereby allowing reflection and the cultivation of moral dispositions. Yet without the proper affective state, a person is not properly performing ritual. In the Analects , Confucius says he cannot tolerate “ritual without reverence, or mourning without grief,” (3.26). When asked about the root of ritual propriety, he says that in funerals, the mourners’ distress is more important than the formalities (3.4). Knowing the details of ritual protocols is important, but is not a substitute for sincere affect in performing them. Together, they are necessary conditions for the gentleman’s training, and are also essential to understanding the social context in which Confucius taught his disciples.

The mastery that “ritual propriety” signaled was part of a curriculum associated with the training of rulers and officials, and proper ritual performance at court could also serve as a kind of political legitimation. Confucius summarized the different prongs of the education in ritual and music involved in the training of his followers:

Raise yourself up with the Classic of Odes . Establish yourself with ritual. Complete yourself with music. (8.8)

On one occasion, Boyu 伯魚, the son of Confucius, explained that when he asked his father to teach him, his father told him to study the Classic of Odes in order to have a means to speak with others, and to study ritual to establish himself (16.13). That Confucius insists that his son master classical literature and practices underscores the values of these cultural products as a means of transmitting the way from one generation to the next. He tells his disciples that the study of the Classic of Odes prepares them for different aspects of life, providing them with a capacity to:

at home serve one’s father, away from it serve one’s lord, as well as increase one’s knowledge of the names of birds, animals, plants and trees. (17.9)

This valuation of knowledge of both the cultural and natural worlds is one reason why the figure of Confucius has traditionally been identified with schooling, and why today his birthday is celebrated as “Teacher’s Day” in some parts of Asia. In the ancient world, this kind of education also qualified Confucius and his disciples for employment on estates and at courts.

The fourth virtue, wisdom, is related to appraising people and situations. In the Analects, wisdom allows a gentleman to discern crooked and straight behavior in others (12.22), and discriminate between those who may be reformed and those who may not (15.8). In the former dialogue, Confucius explains the virtue of wisdom as “knowing others”. The “Thicket of Sayings” excavated at Guodian indicates that this knowledge is the basis for properly “selecting” others, defining wisdom as the virtue that is the basis for selection. But it is also about appraising situations correctly, as suggested by the master’s rhetorical question: “How can a person be considered wise if that person does not dwell in benevolence?” (4.1). One well-known passage often cited to imply Confucius is agnostic about the world of the spirits is more literally about how wisdom allows an outsider to present himself in a way appropriate to the people on whose behalf he is working:

When working for what is right for the common people, to show reverence for the ghosts and spirits while maintaining one’s distance may be deemed wisdom. (6.22)

The context for this sort of appraisal is usually official service, and wisdom is often attributed to valued ministers or advisors to sage rulers.

In certain dialogues, wisdom also connotes a moral discernment that allows the gentleman to be confident of the appropriateness of good actions. In the Analects , Confucius tells his disciple Zi Lu 子路 that wisdom recognizes knowing a thing as knowing it, and ignorance of a thing as ignorance of it (2.17). In soliloquies about several virtues, Confucius describes a wise person as never confused (9.28, 14.28). While comparative philosophers have noted that Chinese thought has nothing clearly analogous to the role of the will in pre-modern European philosophy, the moral discernment that is part of wisdom does provide actors with confidence that the moral actions they have taken are correct.

The virtue of trustworthiness qualifies a gentleman to give advice to a ruler, and a ruler or official to manage others. In the Analects , Confucius explains it succinctly: “if one is trustworthy, others will give one responsibilities” (17.6, cf. 20.1). While trustworthiness may be rooted in the proper expression of friendship between those of the same status (1.4, 5.26), it is also valuable in interactions with those of different status. The disciple Zi Xia 子夏 explains its effect on superiors and subordinates: when advising a ruler, without trustworthiness, the ruler will think a gentleman is engaged in slander, and when administering a state, without trustworthiness, people will think a gentleman is exploiting them (19.10). The implication is that a sincerely public-minded official would be ineffective without the trust that this quality inspires. In a dialogue with a ruler from chapter four of Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes , Confucius explains that in employing someone, trustworthiness is superior to strength, ability to flatter, or eloquence. Being able to rely on someone is so important to Confucius that, when asked about good government, he explained that trustworthiness was superior to either food or weapons, concluding: “If the people do not find the ruler trustworthy, the state will not stand” (12.7).

By the Han period, benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, wisdom and trustworthiness began to be considered as a complete set of human virtues, corresponding with other quintets of phenomena used to describe the natural world. Some texts described a level of moral perfection, as with the sages of antiquity, as unifying all these virtues. Prior to this, it is unclear whether the possession of a particular virtue entailed having all the others, although benevolence was sometimes used as a more general term for a combination of one or more of the other virtues (e.g., Analects 17.6). At other times, Confucius presented individual virtues as expressions of goodness in particular domains of life. Early Confucius dialogues are embedded in concrete situations, and so resist attempts to distill them into more abstract principles of morality. As a result, descriptions of the virtues are embedded in anecdotes about the exemplary individuals whose character traits the dialogues encourage their audience to develop. Confucius taught that the measure of a good action was whether it was an expression of the actor’s virtue, something his lessons share with those of philosophies like Aristotle’s that are generally described as “virtue ethics”. A modern evaluation of the teachings of Confucius as a “virtue ethics” is articulated in Bryan W. Van Norden’s Virtue Ethics and Consequentialism in Early Chinese Philosophy , which pays particular attention to analogies between the way of Confucius and Aristotle’s “good life”. The nature of the available source materials about Confucius, however, means that the diverse texts from early China lack the systematization of a work like Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics .

The five virtues described above are not the only ones of which Confucius spoke. He discussed loyalty ( zhong 忠), which at one point is described as the minister’s behavior toward a ritually proper ruler (3.19). He said that courage ( yong 勇) is what compels one to act once one has seen where righteousness lies (2.24). Another term sometimes translated as “virtue” ( de 德), is usually used to describe the authority of a ruler that grows out of goodness or favor to others, and is a key term in many of the social and political works discussed in the following section. Yet going through a list of all the virtues in the early sources is not sufficient to describe the entirety of the moral universe associated with Confucius.

The presence of themes in the Analects like the ruler’s exceptional influence as a moral exemplar, the importance of judging people by their deeds rather than their words (1.3, 2.10, 5.10), or even the protection of the culture of Zhou by higher powers (9.5), all highlight the unsystematic nature of the text and underscore that teaching others how to cultivate the virtues is a key aspect, but only a part, of the ethical ideal of Confucius. Yet there is also a conundrum inherent in any attempt to derive abstract moral rules from the mostly dialogical form of the Analects , that is, the problem of whether the situational context and conversation partner is integral to evaluating the statements of Confucius. A historically notable example of an attempt to find a generalized moral rule in the Analects is the reading of a pair of passages that use a formulation similar to that of the “Golden Rule” of the Christian Bible (Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31) to describe benevolence: “Do not impose upon others those things that you yourself do not desire” (12.2, cf. 5.12, 15.24). Read as axiomatic moral imperatives, these passages differ from the kind of exemplar-based and situational conversations about morality usually found in the Analects . For this reason, some scholars, including E. Bruce Brooks, believe these passages to be interpolations. While they are not wholly inconsistent with the way that benevolence is described in early texts, their interpretation as abstract principles has been influenced by their perceived similarity to the Biblical examples. In the Records of Ritual , a slightly different formulation of a rule about self and others is presented as not universal in its scope, but rather as descriptive of how the exemplary ruler influences the people. In common with other early texts, the Analects describes how the moral transformation of society relies on the positive example of the ruler, comparing the influence of the gentleman on the people to the way the wind blows on the grass, forcing it to bend (12.19). In a similar vein, after discussing how the personal qualities of rulers of the past determined whether or not their subjects could morally transform, the Records of Ritual expresses its principle of reflexivity:

That is why the gentleman only seeks things in others that he or she personally possesses. [The gentleman] only condemns things in others that he or she personally lacks. (“ Daxue ” 大學)

This is a point about the efficacy of moral suasion, saying that a ruler cannot expect to reform society solely by command since it is only the ruler’s personal example that can transform others. For this reason, the ruler should not compel behaviors from his subjects to which he or she would not personally assent, something rather different from the “Golden Rule”. Historically, however, views that Confucius was inspired by the same Natural Theology as Christians, or that philosophers are naturally concerned with the generalization of moral imperatives, have argued in favor of a closer identification with the “Golden Rule,” a fact that illustrates the interpretative conundrum arising from the formal aspects of the Analects .

Early Zhou political philosophy as represented in the Classic of Odes and the Classic of Documents centered on moral justification for political authority based on the doctrine of the “Mandate of Heaven” ( tianming 天命). This view was that the sage’s virtue ( de ) attracted the attention of the anthropomorphized cosmic power usually translated as “Heaven” ( tian 天), which supported the sage’s rise to political authority. These canonical texts argued that political success or failure is a function of moral quality, evidenced by actions such as proper ritual performance, on the part of the ruler. Confucius drew on these classics and adapted the classical view of moral authority in important ways, connecting it to a normative picture of society. Positing a parallel between the nature of reciprocal responsibilities of individuals in different roles in two domains of social organization, in the Analects Confucius linked filial piety in the family to loyalty in the political realm:

It is rare for a person who is filially pious to his parents and older siblings to be inclined to rebel against his superiors… Filial piety to parents and elder siblings may be considered the root of a person. (1.2)

This section examines Confucius’s social and political philosophy, beginning with the central role of his analysis of the traditional norm of filial piety.

Just as Confucius analyzed the psychology of ritual performance and related it to individual moral development, his discussion of filial piety was another example of the development and adaptation of a particular classical cultural pattern to a wider philosophical context and set of concerns. Originally limited to descriptions of sacrifice to ancestors in the context of hereditary kinship groups, a more extended meaning of “filial piety” was used to describe the sage king Shun’s 舜 (trad. r. 2256–2205 BCE) treatment of his living father in the Classic of Documents . Despite humble origins, Shun’s filial piety was recognized as a quality that signaled he would be a suitable successor for the sage king Yao 堯 (trad. r. 2357–2256 BCE). Confucius in the Analects praised the ancient sage kings at great length, and the sage king Yu 禹 for his filial piety in the context of sacrifice (8.21). However, he used the term filial piety to mean both sacrificial mastery and behaving appropriately to one’s parents. In a conversation with one of his disciples he explains that filial piety meant “not contesting”, and that it entailed:

while one’s parents were alive, serving them in a ritually proper way, and after one’s parents died, burying them and sacrificing to them in a ritually proper way. (2.5)

In rationalizing the moral content of legacies of the past like the three-year mourning period after the death of a parent, Confucius reasoned that for three years a filially pious child should not alter a parent’s way (4.20, cf. 19.18), and explains the origin of length of the three-year mourning period to be the length of time that the parents had given their infant child support (17.21). This adaptation of filial piety to connote the proper way for a gentleman to behave both inside and outside the home was a generalization of a pattern of behavior that had once been specific to the family.

Intellectual historian Chen Lai 陈来 has identified two sets of ideal traits that became hybridized in the late Warring States period. The first set of qualities describes the virtue of the ruler coming out of politically-oriented descriptions of figures like King Wen of Zhou, including uprightness ( zhi 直) and fortitude ( gang 剛). The second set of qualities is based on bonds specific to kinship groups, including filial piety and kindness ( ci 慈). As kinship groups were subordinated to larger political units, texts began to exhibit hybrid lists of ideal qualities that drew from both sets. Consequently, Confucius had to effectively integrate clan priorities and state priorities, a conciliation illustrated in Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes by his insistence that filial piety is not simply deference to elders. When his disciple Zengzi 曾子 submitted to a severe beating from his father’s staff in punishment for an offense, Confucius chastises Zengzi, saying that even the sage king Shun would not have submitted to a beating so severe. He goes on to explain that a child has a dual set of duties, to both a father and ruler, the former filial piety and the other loyalty. Therefore, protecting one’s body is a duty to the ruler and a counterweight to a duty to submit to one’s parent (8). In the Classic of Filial Piety ( Xiaojing 孝經), similar reasoning is applied to a redefinition of filial piety that rejects behaviors like such extreme submission because protecting one’s body is a duty to one’s parents. This sort of qualification suggests that as filial piety moved further outside its original family context, it had to be qualified to be integrated into a view that valorized multiple character traits.

Since filial piety was based on a fundamental relationship defined within the family, one’s family role and state role could conflict. A Classic of Documents text spells out the possible conflict between loyalty to a ruler and filial piety toward a father (“ Cai Zhong zhi ming ” 蔡仲之命), a trade-off similar to a story in the Analects about a man named Zhi Gong 直躬 (Upright Gong) who testified that his father stole a sheep. Although Confucius acknowledged that theft injures social order, he judged Upright Gong to have failed to be truly “upright” in a sense that balances the imperative to testify with special consideration for members of his kinship group:

In my circle, being upright differs from this. A father would conceal such a thing on behalf of his son, and a son would conceal it on behalf of his father. Uprightness is found in this. (13.18)

In this way, too, Confucius was adapting filial piety to a wider manifold of moral behaviors, honing his answer to the question of how a child balances responsibility to family and loyalty to the state. While these two traits may conflict with one and other, Sociologist Robert Bellah, in his study of Tokugawa and modern Japan, noted how the structural similarity between loyalty and filial piety led to their both being promoted by the state as interlinked ideals that located each person in dual networks of responsibility. Confucius was making this claim when he connected filial piety to the propensity to be loyal to superiors (1.2). Statements like “filial piety is the root of virtuous action” from the Classic of Filial Piety connect loyalty and the kind of action that signals the personal virtue that justifies political authority, as in the historical precedent of the sage king Shun.

Of the classical sources from which Confucius drew, two were particularly influential in discussions of political legitimation. The Classic of Odes consists of 305 Zhou period regulated lyrics (hence the several translations “songs”, “odes”, or “poems”) and became numbered as one of the Five Classics ( Wujing ) in the Han dynasty. Critical to a number of these lyrics is the celebration of King Wen of Zhou’s overthrow of the Shang, which is an example of a virtuous person seizing the “Mandate of Heaven”:

This King Wen of ours, his prudent heart was well-ordered. He shone in serving the High God, and thus enjoyed much good fortune. Unswerving in his virtue, he came to hold the domains all around. (“ Daming ” 大明)

The Zhou political theory expressed in this passage is based on the idea of a limited moral universe that may not reward a virtuous person in isolation, but in which the High God ( Shangdi 上帝, Di 帝) or Heaven will intercede to replace a bad ruler with a person of exceptional virtue. The Classic of Documents is a collection that includes orations attributed to the sage rulers of the past and their ministers, and its arguments often concern moral authority with a focus on the methods and character of exemplary rulers of the past. The chapter “Announcement of Kang” (“ Kanggao ” 康誥) is addressed to one of the sons of King Wen, and provides him with a guide for behaving as sage ruler as well as with methods that had been empirically proven successful by those rulers. When it comes to the mandate inherited from King Wen, the chapter insists that the mandate is not unchanging, and so as ruler the son must always be mindful of it when deciding how to act. Further, it is not always possible to understand Heaven, but the “feelings of the people are visible”, and so the ruler must care for his subjects. The Zhou political view that Confucius inherited was based on supernatural intercession to place a person with personal virtue in charge of the state, but over time the emphasis shifted to the way that the effects of good government could be viewed as proof of a continuing moral justification for that placement.

Confucius himself arguably served as a historical counterexample to the classical “Mandate of Heaven” theory, calling into question the direct nature of the support given by Heaven to the person with virtue. The Han period Records of the Historian biography of Confucius described him as possessing all the personal qualities needed to govern well, but wandering from state to state because those qualities had not been recognized. When his favorite disciple died, the Analects records Confucius saying that “Heaven has forsaken me!” (11.9). Wang Chong’s 王充 (27–c.97 CE) Balanced Discussions ( Lunheng 論衡) uses the phrase “uncrowned king” ( suwang 素王) to describe the tragic situation: “Confucius did not rule as king, but his work as uncrowned king may be seen in the Spring and Autumn Annals ” (80). The view that through his writings Confucius could prepare the world for the government of a future sage king became a central part of Confucius lore that has colored the reception of his writings since, especially in works related to the Spring and Autumn Annals and its Gongyang Commentary . The biography of Confucius reinforced the tragic cosmological picture that personal virtue did not always guarantee success. Even when Heaven’s support is cited in the Analects , it is not a matter of direct intercession, but expressed through personal virtue or cultural patterns: “Heaven gave birth to the virtue in me, so what can Huan Tui 桓魋 do to me?” (7.23, cf. 9.5). As Robert Eno has pointed out, the concept of Heaven also came to be increasingly naturalized in passages like “what need does Heaven have to speak?” (17.19). Changing views of the scope of Heaven’s activity and the ways human beings may have knowledge of that activity fostered a change in the role of Heaven in political theory.

Most often, in dialogues with the rulers of his time, references to Heaven were occasions for Confucius to encourage rulers to remain attentive to their personal moral development and treat their subjects fairly. In integrating the classical legacy of the “Mandate of Heaven” that applied specifically to the ruler or “Son of Heaven” ( tianzi 天子), with moral teachings that were directed to a wider audience, the nature of Heaven’s intercession came to be understood differently. In the Analects and writings like those attributed to Mencius, descriptions of virtue were often adapted to contexts such as the conduct of lesser officials and the navigation of everyday life. Kwong-Loi Shun notes that in such contexts, the influence of Heaven remained as an explanation of both what happened outside of human control, like political success or lifespan, and of the source of the ethical ideal. In the Analects , the gentleman’s awe of Heaven is combined with an awe of the words of the sages (16.8), and when Confucius explains the Zhou theory of the “mandate of Heaven” in the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual, he does so in order to explain how the signs of a well-ordered society demonstrate that the ruler’s “virtue matches Heaven” (“ Shaojian ” 少閒). Heaven is still ubiquitous in the responses of Confucius to questions from rulers, but the focus of the responses was not on Heaven’s direct intercession but rather the ruler’s demonstration of his personal moral qualities.

In this way, personal qualities of modesty, filial piety or respect for the elders were seen as proof of fitness to serve in an official capacity. Qualification to rule was demonstrated by proper behavior in the social roles defined by the “five relationships” ( wulun 五倫), a formulation seen in the writings of Mencius that became a key feature of the interpretation of works associated with Confucius in the Han dynasty. The Western Han emperors were members of the Liu clan, and works like the Guliang Commentary ( Guliang zhuan 穀梁傳) to the Spring and Autumn Annals emphasized normative family behavior grounded in the five relationships, which were (here, adapted to include mothers and sisters): ruler and subject, parent and child, husband and wife, siblings, and friends. Writing with particular reference to the Classic of Filial Piety , Henry Rosemont and Roger Ames argue that prescribed social roles are a defining characteristic of the “Confucian tradition”, and that such roles were normative guides to appropriate conduct. They contrast this with the “virtue ethics” approach they say requires rational calculation to determine moral conduct, while filial piety is simply a matter of meeting one’s family obligations. Just as the five virtues were placed at the center of later theories of moral development, once social roles became systematized in this way, selected situational teachings of Confucius consistent with them could become the basis of more abstract, systematic moral theories. Yet this could not have happened without the adaptation of the abstract classical political theory of “Heaven’s mandate”, a doctrine that originally supported the ruling clan, to argue that Heaven’s influence was expressed through particular concrete expressions of individual virtue. As a result of this adaptation in writings associated with Confucius, the ruler’s conduct of imperial rituals, performance of filial piety, or other demonstrations of personal virtue provided proof of moral fitness that legitimated his political authority. As with the rituals and the virtues, filial piety and the mandate of Heaven were transformed as they were integrated with the classics through the voices of Confucius and the rulers and disciples of his era.

Earlier, the usage of “Confucius” as a metonym for Chinese traditional culture was introduced as a feature of the modern period. Yet the complexity of the philosophical views associated with Confucius—encompassing ethical ideals developed out of a sophisticated view of the effects of ritual and music on the performer’s psychology, robust descriptions of the attitudes of traditional exemplars across diverse life contexts, and the abstraction of normative behaviors in the family and state—is due in part to the fact that this metonymic usage was to some degree already the case in the Han period. By that time, the teachings of Confucius had gone through several centuries of gestation, and dialogues and quotations fashioned at different points over that time circulated and mixed. Put slightly differently, Confucius read the traditional culture of the halcyon Zhou period in a particular way, but this reading was continuously reflected and refracted through different lenses during the Pre-Imperial period, prior to the results being fixed in diverse early Imperial period sources like the Analects , the Records of Ritual , and the Records of the Historian. What remains is the work of the hand of Confucius, but also of his “school”, and even sometimes of his opponents during the centuries that his philosophy underwent elaboration and drift. This process of accretion and elaboration is not uncommon for pre-modern writings, and the resulting breadth and depth explains, at least in part, why the voice of Confucius retained primacy in pre-modern Chinese philosophical conversations as well as in many modern debates about the role of traditional East Asian culture.

• Chen Lai (陈来), 2017, Gudai zongjiao yu lunli (古代宗教与伦理) [Ancient religion and ethics], Beijing: Shenghuo dushu xinzhi.
• Clerc, Nicolas-Gabriel, 1769, Yu Le Grand et Confucius: Histoire Chinoise , Soissons: Ponce Courtois.
• Confucius, [1998], The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and his Successors , E. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks (trans/eds), (Translations from the Asian Classics), New York: Columbia University Press.
• Cook, Scott Bradley, 2013, The Bamboo Texts of Guodian: A Study and Complete Translation , 2 volumes, (Cornell East Asia Series 164 & 165), Ithaca, NY: East Asian Program, Cornell University.
• Csikszentmihalyi, Mark, 2004, Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China , Leiden: Brill.
• Eno, Robert, 1989, The Confucian Creation of Heaven : Philosophy and the Defense of Ritual Mastery , Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
• Hall, David L. and Roger T. Ames, 1987, Thinking through Confucius , Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
• Hu Shi (胡適), 1919 [1989], Zhongguo Zhexue Shi Dagang (中國哲學史大綱) [A General Outline of the History of Chinese Philosophy]. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian.
• Huang, Béatrice Ching-Ya, 2024, Confucius latinus. Contribution à l’étude des traductions latines des Entretiens de Confucius par les Jésuites (XVIIe-XIXe siècle) (Littératures étrangères – série Route de la soie), Paris: Honoré Champion.
• Hunter, Michael J., 2017, Confucius beyond the Analects , (Studies in the History of Chinese Texts 7), Leiden: Brill.
• Ivanhoe, Philip J., 2013, Confucian Reflections: Ancient Wisdom for Modern Times , New York: Routledge.
• Makeham, John, 2003, Transmitters and Creators: Chinese Commentators and Commentaries on the “Analects” , Cambridge, MA: Harvard East Asian Center.
• Mungello, D. E., 2013, The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500–1800 , fourth edition, Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2013.
• Olberding, Amy and Philip J. Ivanhoe (eds), 2011, Mortality in Traditional China , (SUNY Series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture), Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
• Perkins, Franklin, 2004, Leibniz and China: A Commerce of Light , New York: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511519994
• Pound, Ezra, 1951, Confucius , New York: New Directions.
• Rosemont, Henry Jr. and Roger T. Ames, 2016, Confucian Role Ethics: A Moral Vision for the 21st Century? Göttingen: V & R Unipress and Taipei: National Taiwan University Press.
• Shun, Kwong-Loi, 1997, Mencius and Early Chinese Thought , Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
• Sima Qian (司馬遷), [1998], Shiji (史記) [Records of the Historian], Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe.
• Van Norden, Bryan, 2007, Virtue Ethics and Consequentialism in Early Chinese Philosophy , Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511497995
• Yan Buke (閻步克), 2001, Yueshi yu shiguan: Chuantong zhengzhi wenhua yu zhengzhi zhidu lunji (乐师与史官 : 传统政治文化与政治制度论集) [Music Director and Official Scribe: Essays on traditional political culture and administrative regulations]. Beijing: Shenghuo dushu xinzhi sanlian shudian.
• Yang Bojun (杨伯峻), 1958 [2005], Lunyu yizhu (论语译注) [An Interpretive Commentary to the Analects ], Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju.
• Zhu Weizheng (朱维錚), 1986, “Lunyu jieji cuoshuo” (論語結集脞說) [Jottings on the Compilation of the Analects], Kongzi yanjiu , 1986(1): 40–52.

How to cite this entry . Preview the PDF version of this entry at the Friends of the SEP Society . Look up topics and thinkers related to this entry at the Internet Philosophy Ontology Project (InPhO). Enhanced bibliography for this entry at PhilPapers , with links to its database.

• Chinese Text Project: The Analects
• Culture Chinoise (French)

Chinese Philosophy: ethics | Chinese Philosophy: Song-Ming Confucianism | Japanese Philosophy: Confucian | Mencius | Xunzi | Zhu Xi

Copyright © 2024 by Mark Csikszentmihalyi < mark . cs @ berkeley . edu >

• Accessibility

Support SEP

Mirror sites.

View this site from another server:

• Info about mirror sites

The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy is copyright © 2024 by The Metaphysics Research Lab , Department of Philosophy, Stanford University

Library of Congress Catalog Data: ISSN 1095-5054

Unsupported Browser Detected. It seems the web browser you're using doesn't support some of the features of this site. For the best experience, we recommend using a modern browser that supports the features of this website. We recommend Google Chrome , Mozilla Firefox , or Microsoft Edge

• National Chinese Language Conference
• Teaching Resources Hub
• Language Learning Supporters
• Asia 21 Next Generation Fellows
• Asian Women Empowered
• Emerging Female Trade Leaders
• About Global Competence
• Global Competency Resources
• Teaching for Global Understanding
• Thought Leadership
• Global Learning Updates
• Results and Opportunities
• News and Events
• Our Locations

Confucianism

The Research Institution of Confucianism in China. (kanegen/flickr)

Confucianism is often characterized as a system of social and ethical philosophy rather than a religion. In fact, Confucianism built on an ancient religious foundation to establish the social values, institutions, and transcendent ideals of traditional Chinese society. It was what sociologist Robert Bellah called a "civil religion," (1) the sense of religious identity and common moral understanding at the foundation of a society's central institutions. It is also what a Chinese sociologist called a "diffused religion"; (3) its institutions were not a separate church, but those of society, family, school, and state; its priests were not separate liturgical specialists, but parents, teachers, and officials. Confucianism was part of the Chinese social fabric and way of life; to Confucians, everyday life was the arena of religion.

The founder of Confucianism, Master Kong (Confucius, 551-479 B.C.E.) did not intend to found a new religion, but to interpret and revive the unnamed religion of the Zhou dynasty, under which many people thought the ancient system of religious rule was bankrupt; why couldn't the gods prevent the social upheavals? The burning issue of the day was: If it is not the ancestral and nature spirits, what then is the basis of a stable, unified, and enduring social order? The dominant view of the day, espoused by Realists and Legalists, was that strict law and statecraft were the bases of sound policy. Confucius, however, believed that the basis lay in Zhou religion, in its rituals (li). He interpreted these not as sacrifices asking for the blessings of the gods, but as ceremonies performed by human agents and embodying the civilized and cultured patterns of behavior developed through generations of human wisdom. They embodied, for him, the ethical core of Chinese society. Moreover, Confucius applied the term "ritual" to actions beyond the formal sacrifices and religious ceremonies to include social rituals: courtesies and accepted standards of behavior-- what we today call social mores. He saw these time-honored and traditional rituals as the basis of human civilization, and he felt that only a civilized society could have a stable, unified, and enduring social order.

Thus one side of Confucianism was the affirmation of accepted values and norms of behavior in primary social institutions and basic human relationships. All human relationships involved a set of defined roles and mutual obligations; each participant should understand and conformto his/her proper role. Starting from individual and family, people acting rightly could reform and perfect the society. The blueprint of this process was described in "The Great Learning," a section of the Classic of Rituals:

Only when things are investigated is knowledge extended; only when knowledge is extended are thoughts sincere; only when thoughts are sincere are minds rectified; only when minds are rectified are the characters of persons cultivated; only when character is cultivated are our families regulated; only when families are regulated are states well governed; only when states are well governed is there peace in the world.(3)

Confucius' ethical vision ran against the grain of the legalistic mind set of his day. Only under the Han Emperor Wu (r. 140-87 B.C.E.) did Confucianism become accepted as state ideology and orthodoxy. From that time on the imperial state promoted Confucian values to maintain law, order, and the status quo. In late traditional China, emperors sought to establish village lectures on Confucian moral precepts and to give civic awards to filial sons and chaste wives. The imperial family and other notables sponsored the publication of morality books that encouraged the practice of Confucian values: respect for parents,loyalty to government, and keeping to one's place in society—farmers should remain farmers, and practice the ethics of farming. This side of Confucianism was conservative, and served to bolster established institutions and long-standing social divisions.

There was, however, another side to Confucianism. Confucius not only stressed social rituals (li), but also humaneness (ren). Ren, sometimes translated love or kindness, is not any one virtue, but the source of all virtues. The Chinese character literally represents the relationship between "two persons," or co-humanity—the potential to live together humanely rather than scrapping like birds or beasts. Ren keeps ritual forms from becoming hollow; a ritual performed with ren has not only form, but ethical content; it nurtures the inner character of the person, furthers his/her ethical maturation. Thus if the "outer"side of Confucianism was conformity and acceptance of social roles, the "inner" side was cultivation of conscience and character. Cultivation involved broad education and reflection on one's actions. It was a lifetime commitment to character building carving and polishing the stone of one's character until it was a lustrous gem. Master Kong described his own lifetime:

At fifteen, I set my heart on learning. At thirty, I was firmly established. At forty, I had no more doubts. At fifty, I knew the will of heaven. At sixty, I was ready to listen to it. At seventy, I could follow my heart's desire without transgressing what was right. Analects, 2:4

The inner pole of Confucianism was reformist, idealistic, and spiritual. It generated a high ideal for family interaction: members were to treat each other with love, respect, and consideration for the needs of all. It prescribed a lofty ideal for the state: the ruler was to be a father to his people and look after their basic needs. It required officials to criticize their rulers and refuse to serve the corrupt. This inner and idealist wing spawned a Confucian reformation known in the West as Neo-Confucianism. The movement produced reformers, philanthropists, dedicated teachers and officials, and social philosophers from the eleventh through the nineteenth centuries.

The idealist wing of Confucianism had a religious character. Its ideals were transcendent, not in the sense that they were other worldly (the Confucians were not interested in a far-off heavenly realm), but in the sense of the transcendent ideal—perfection. On the one hand, Confucian values are so closely linked with everyday life that they sometimes seem trivial. Everyday life is so familiar that we do not take its moral content seriously. We are each a friend to someone, or aparent, or certainly the child of a parent. On the other hand, Confucians remind us that the familiar ideals of friendship, parenthood, and filiality are far from trivial; in real life we only rarely attain these ideals. We all too often just go through the motions, too preoccupied to give our full attention to the relationship. If we consistently and wholeheartedly realized our potential to be the very best friend, parent, son, or daughter humanly possible, we would establish a level of caring, of moral excellence,that would approach the utopian. This is Confucian transcendence: to take the actions of everyday life seriously as the arena of moral and spiritual fulfillment.

The outer and inner aspects of Confucianism—its conforming and reforming sides—were in tension throughout Chinese history. Moreover, the tensions between social and political realities and the high-minded moral ideals of the Confucians were an ongoing source of concern for the leaders of this tradition. The dangers of moral sterility and hypocrisy were always present. Confucianism, they knew well, served both as a conservative state orthodoxy and a stimulus for reform. Great Confucians, like religious leaders everywhere, sought periodically to revive and renew the moral, intellectual, and spiritual vigor of the tradition. Until the 1890s, serious-minded Chinese saw Confucianism, despite its failures to realize its ideal society, as the source of hope for China and the core of what it meant to be Chinese.

Although since the revolution, the public ideology of the People's Republic has abandoned Confucian teachings, one can say that there is a continuity of form: like Confucianism before it, Maoism teaches a commitment to transforming the world by applying the lessons of autopian ideology to the actions and institutions of everyday life. This is not to claim that Mao was a "closet Confucian," but to emphasize that the Confucian way was virtually synonymous with the Chinese way.

Robert Neelly Bellah, The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in a Time of Trial , New York: Seabury Press, 1975. C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society , Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961, pp. 20-21. Excerpted and adapted from de Bary, Sources, I: 115-16. For a somewhat fuller philosophical (but readable) discussion, see Herbert Fingarette, Confucius — The Secular as Sacred , New York: Harper and Row, 1972, chapter one.

Note: This article and the one on Dao/Taoism were written during the Indiana Religion Studies Project Institute for Teaching about Religion in the Secondary Social Studies Curriculum. The drafts were critiqued by the social studies teachers who attended with an eye to supplementing and correcting the information in textbooks and other materials used by teachers. The two articles should read as a pair; they complement each other in much the same way these two religions complemented each other throughout Chinese history.

Author: Judith A. Berling.

Connect With Us

Asia Society 725 Park Avenue New York, NY 10021 t: 212-327-9260 [email protected]

Events - Confucianism

Buddhism & Beyond

Confucianism

Confucianism is a philosophy developed in 6th-century BCE China , which is considered by some a secular-humanist belief system, by some a religion , and by others a social code. The broad range of subjects touched on by Confucianism lends itself to all three of these interpretations depending on which aspects one focuses on.

The philosophy is based on the belief that human beings are essentially good, that they engage in immoral behavior through lack of a strong moral standard, and that adherence to an ethical code, and rituals which encourage it, enabled one to live a productive and tranquil life of peace which would translate to a strong, ethical, and prosperous state.

It was founded by Confucius (K'ung-fu-Tze, Kong Fuzi, “Master Kong”, l. 551-479 BCE), a Chinese philosopher of the Spring and Autumn Period (c. 772-476 BCE). Confucius is considered among the greatest philosophers of the Hundred Schools of Thought (also given as the Contention of the Hundred Schools of Thought) which references the time during the Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States Period (c. 481-221 BCE) when various philosophical schools contended with each other for adherents. He is, without a doubt, the most influential philosopher in China's history whose views, precepts, and concepts have informed Chinese culture for over 2,000 years.

Confucius himself claimed to have written nothing and offered nothing new, insisting his views were taken from older works (known as the Five Classics) he was just popularizing through his school. The later Confucian philosopher and scholar Mencius (Mang-Tze, l. 372-289 BCE), however, attributed the Five Classics to Confucius, a view that continued to be held until the mid-20th century CE. These works, three others on Confucian thought, and one by Mencius make up The Four Books and Five Classics which have been the foundational texts of Chinese culture since the time of the Han Dynasty (202 BCE-220 CE) when Confucianism was made the state philosophy. The Four Books and Five Classics are:

• The Book of Rites (also given as The Book of Great Learning)
• The Doctrine of the Mean
• The Analects of Confucius
• The Works of Mencius
• The I-Ching
• The Classics of Poetry
• The Classics of Rites
• The Classics of History
• The Spring and Autumn Annals

The Five Classics are attributed to writers of the Zhou Dynasty (1046-256 BCE) which was in a period of decline during Confucius' lifetime. It may be that he did edit or revise the Five Classics, as tradition has held, but, even if he did not, he certainly popularized their concepts. His Analects , Books of Rites , and Doctrine of the Mean were written by his students based on his lectures and class discussions.

The Warring States Period concluded with the victory of the state of Qin over the others and the establishment of the Qin Dynasty (221-206 BCE) which adopted the philosophy of Legalism and banned all others. Confucian works were outlawed and burned along with those of any other non-Legalist philosophers. Copies of the banned works only survived because they were hidden by intellectuals at great personal risk. The Han Dynasty, which succeeded the Qin, encouraged greater freedom of speech, established The Four Books and Five Classics as required reading for administrative positions which led to a wider dissemination of Confucian thought which would seamlessly blend with Chinese culture after the Han declared it the state philosophy.

Historical Background & Career in Lu

Shortly after its founding, the Zhou Dynasty decentralized the Chinese government by sending lords, loyal to the king, to establish their own states throughout the vast territory. This policy worked well at first, but eventually, the states grew more powerful than the king, and the old loyalties were forgotten. By c. 771 BCE, the Zhou Dynasty was already weakened almost to the point of irrelevancy when barbarian invasions forced the government to move east for better defense. This was the end of the so-called Western Zhou period (1046-771 BCE) and the beginning of the Eastern Zhou period (771-256 BCE) which corresponds to the Spring and Autumn Period and early Warring States Period during which Confucius lived and taught.

Confucius was born in September 551 BCE in the village of Qufu, State of Lu (Shandong Province), the son of a military commander named Kong He who was of noble descent. Confucius' birth name was Kong Qui, but he would later be addressed as Master Kong (Kong Fuzi) which was Latinized by 16th-century CE Christian missionaries to Confucius. His father died when he was three years old and the resultant loss of income led to a life of poverty. He later attended school while working various jobs to support himself and his mother until she died when he was around 23 years old. By this time, he was already married and had at least one son and possibly two daughters.

He had been provided with basic education, as defined by the Zhou Dynasty, in the Six Arts – Rites, Music , Archery, Charioteering, Calligraphy, and Mathematics – but had taken it upon himself to improve on his knowledge in all of these through private study. Scholar Forrest E. Baird notes, “possessed of a deep love of learning by age fifteen, Confucius became one of the best-educated men of the day by his mid-twenties” (284). Married, and with a family to support, Confucius took the qualifying exam for government work as a teacher and, as Baird notes, pursued his goal of a meaningful life in a worthy profession:

His threefold professional goal crystalized early – to serve in government, to teach others, and to transmit to posterity the splendid culture of the Zhou Dynasty…He had a special fondness for poetry and music and was skilled in the performance of the latter. His reputation for excellent teaching was established by the age of thirty. As a teacher, Confucius rejected vocationalism while pioneering a liberal education that was strong in ethics, history, literature , and the fine arts. He admitted any student who could afford the token tuition – a bundle of dried meat. (284)

Confucius taught and also was involved in government at the local level, at one point serving as magistrate (or governor) of his town under the administration of the Duke of Lu. A political struggle among three of the leading families and the Duke of Lu's personal failings caused Confucius to lose interest in his work in Lu. He had attempted to teach the ruling class that they could live happier, more fulfilling lives by observing right conduct in accordance with a moral code which would result in effective and just government, but the upper class was not interested in following his advice. He resigned from his position and left the state of Lu to try making converts elsewhere.

This was a chaotic era in which the states fought each other for supremacy and many of the long-established aspects of government, including bureaucratic positions, lost cohesion. Administrators, advisers, scholars, and teachers who once held government posts, found themselves jobless and so established their own schools based on their personal philosophies. Some of these were actual schools in which students would enroll and attend classes while others were more “schools of thought” or movements but, collectively, their efforts to attract students to their system while discrediting others' would later become known as the time of the Hundred Schools of Thought.

Confucius & the Hundred Schools

The term Hundred Schools of Thought should be understood figuratively to mean “many”, not literally one hundred. Among the ones which were recorded by later historians, such as Sima Qian (l. 145-135-86 BCE), were:

• School of Names
• Yin - Yang School
• School of Minor Talks
• School of Diplomacy
• Agriculturalism
• Yangism (Hedonist School)
• School of the Military
• School of Medicine

At this time, then, Confucianism was only one of many establishing a philosophical belief system which, for the most part, they then tried to popularize. After Confucius left his position in Lu, he traveled through other states vying with proponents of the different schools for acceptance of his vision over theirs. Baird comments:

Confucius wandered through the neighboring states in the company of a small band of students, whom he continued to teach. He offered advice on government matters to local rulers and sometimes accepted temporary posts in their service. There were hardships to be endured – rejection, persecution, even attempted assassination. (284)

He had no more luck convincing the upper class of these other states of the value of his system than he had had in Lu and so returned home at the age of 68 and set up his own school. He based his curriculum on the Five Classics of the Zhou Dynasty and continued teaching until his death , of natural causes, five years later. His philosophy, at the time of his death, remained no more than one school of thought among many and was influenced, to greater or lesser degrees, by these others.

Taoism influenced Confucianism through its concept of the Tao, the creative and binding force of the universe; Legalism through its insistence on law and ritual as the means of maintaining order and controlling people's negative impulses; the School of Names through its focus on how closely the word for an object or concept corresponded to it (how well words represented the reality they referenced); the School of Medicine through its emphasis on the importance of diet in maintaining health and a clear mind. Confucius was influenced by all of these, and no doubt many others, but streamlined the thought, eliminating what he felt was non-essential or problematic, to develop a philosophical system which, if observed, could help people make better choices, lead more peaceful lives, and avoid the kind of suffering everyone at the time was enduring due to the wars between the states.

Sign up for our free weekly email newsletter!

His philosophical vision was very simple: human beings were innately good, 'good' being defined as understanding the difference between right and wrong, and inclined naturally to choose what is right. This claim could be proven by how people reacted to others in times of trouble. The best-known example of this concept (given by the later Confucian Mencius) is a person coming across a young boy who has fallen into a well. One's first impulse is to save the boy – either by direct action or by running to find someone to help – even though one does not know the boy or his parents and might be risking one's own safety in trying to help him.

In cases where one did neither of these things – in other words, where one chose wrong over right – it was due to ignorance of what was right owing to a lack of a moral code and standard of conduct. Someone who would allow the boy to drown in the well would most likely have done so out of an overly developed sense of self-interest. If such a person were educated in right action and a proper understanding of the world and their place in it, they would choose right over wrong.

This is where the theological aspect comes in which encourages some to interpret Confucianism as a religion. Confucius believed in the Chinese concept of Tian (Heaven) which should be understood in this case as something quite close to the Tao. Tian is the source of and sustainer of all life which created the ordered world out of chaos. One needed to recognize the existence of Tian , a constant flux of Yin and Yang (opposite) forces, in order to understand one's place in the world. Sacrifices made to the various gods made no difference to those gods, who were all aspects of Tian , but made a significant difference to the one offering the sacrifice because belief in a higher power, whatever form it took, helped to check one's concept of self-importance, reduced one's ego, and encouraged one to move from self-interest to consider the interests and welfare of others.

A belief in a higher power alone was not enough to encourage right action, however, nor to control one's baser instincts. Confucius advocated a strict code of ethics one should adhere to in order to maintain the middle way in life of peace and prosperity. These are known as the Five Constants and Four Virtues:

• Ren – benevolence
• Yi – righteousness
• Li – ritual
• Zhi – knowledge
• Xin – integrity
• Xiao – filial piety
• Zhong – loyalty
• Jie – contingency
• Yi – justice/righteousness

All of these were equally important, but they began with filial piety. People were encouraged to honor and respect their parents and observe a hierarchy of authority where a son obeyed his father's wishes, a younger brother respected and deferred to his older brother, and women did the same with men. In this way, the family would live harmoniously and, if enough families embraced filial piety, one would soon have a whole community of contented people, then a state, and then an entire country. There would be no need of oppressive governments or laws because people would, essentially, be governing themselves through recognition of the benefits of virtuous behavior. Confucius writes:

If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame. If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of shame and, moreover, will become good. ( Analects , 2.3; Tamblyn, p. 3)

By embracing filial piety, one was taking the initial step toward the other constants and virtues because one was subjecting one's self to a policy of behavior that did not elevate the self. Even the head of the household, the father, was expected to be humble, in his case in the face of Tian . No one was above observance of filial piety in accordance with righteousness. In responding to a question regarding government and control of unruly subjects, Confucius is reported as saying:

Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows across it. ( Analects 12.19; Tamblyn, p. 38)

Filial piety (and the rest) was informed by Ren which means not only 'benevolence' but that which makes a human truly human, one's basic humanity, which understands right from wrong and instinctively leans toward what is right. Expressed in behavior, Confucius coined the so-called Silver Rule, a much earlier version of the Golden Rule attributed to Jesus Christ ('silver' because the concept is expressed in the negative), when he said, "whatsoever you do not want done to you, do not do to another" ( Analects 12:2) which appears in his response to a question on defining perfect virtue:

It is, when you go abroad, to behave to every one as if you were receiving a great guest; to employ the people as if you were assisting at a great sacrifice; not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself; to have no murmuring against you in the country, and none in the family. ( Analects 12:2; Tamblyn, p. 36)

By adhering to these precepts, in accordance with the rituals which encouraged them, one would attain the state of junzi (literally “lord's son”) which meant a superior individual and is usually translated as 'gentleman'. A junzi recognized the order of the world and his – or her – place in it (since Confucius understood women as in need of as much instruction as men, although his era did not allow for it formally) and, through adherence to Confucius' teachings would behave well, in the interests of all involved, and live in peace with one's self and others.

Confucius' philosophy was reformed and popularized by the philosopher and Confucian scholar Mencius who, like Confucius himself, traveled state-to-state preaching Confucian ideals in an effort to end the chaos of the Warring States Period. His efforts at converting the ruling class were no more successful than those of Confucius but he did introduce Confucian precepts to a wider audience than it had at Confucius' death. Confucianism's cause was furthered by another scholar-philosopher, the last of the Five Great Sages of Confucianism, Xunzi (also given as Xun Kuang, l. c. 310 - c. 235 BCE) who reformed the system further, offering a much more pragmatic (or pessimistic) vision of the philosophy, closer in some aspects to Legalism, but still retaining the basic precepts, which he expressed in his work Xunzi .

Confucianism was rejected by the Qin Dynasty because it was critical of Qin policy. The first emperor of the Qin Dynasty, Shi Huangdi (r. 221-210 BCE), established a repressive regime, completely at odds with Confucian ideals, and adopted Legalism as the state philosophy in order to strictly control the populace. Confucianism was almost erased from history during the time known as the Burning of the Books and the Burying of Scholars c. 213-210 BCE, but the books were preserved by adherents who hid them from authorities.

The philosophy was revived by the Han Dynasty under its first emperor Gaozu (r. 202-195 BCE) who reestablished the values of the Zhou Dynasty. Confucianism was later made the national philosophy under Wu the Great. By the time of his reign, 141-87 BCE, Confucianism had already gained a substantial following, but Wu's decree would solidify and expand its influence.

For the next 2,000 years, Confucianism would be the dominant philosophy of China, even during periods – such as the Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE) – when Taoism was more popular. In the 20th century CE, Confucianism was rejected by Chinese cultural reformers who felt it was outdated and by the Chinese Communist Party because of its insistence on a social hierarchy at odds with the communist ideal. Mohism, with its vision of universal love regardless of social standing, was advocated instead.

By this time, however, Confucian ideals had become so closely interwoven with Chinese culture that there was no way of separating the two. Confucianism continues to be observed, whether directly as a belief-system-of-choice or simply culturally in the present day and continues to gain adherents around the world. Of the many philosophies of the so-called One Hundred Schools of Thought, Confucius' vision ultimately triumphed by providing a specific way to live toward a greater good to live for.

Subscribe to topic Related Content Books Cite This Work License

Bibliography

• Baird, F. & Heimbeck, R. S. Philosophic Classics: Asian Philosophy. Routledge, 2005.
• Confucius & Giles, L. The Analects of Confucius. The Easton Press, 1986.
• Confucius & Tamblyn, N. The Complete Confucius. Golding Books, 2016.
• Ebrey, P. B. The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge University Press, 2010.
• Koller, J. M. Asian Philosophies. Prentice Hall, 2007.
• Sima, Qian & Watson, B. Records of the Grand Historian. Columbia University Press, 1995.
• Tanner, H. M. China: A History From Neolithic Cultures through Great Qing Empire. Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2010.
• Waley, A. Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China. Stanford University Press, 2010.

About the Author

Translations

We want people all over the world to learn about history. Help us and translate this definition into another language!

Related Content

Zhou Dynasty

Ancient Chinese Philosophy

Free for the World, Supported by You

World History Encyclopedia is a non-profit organization. For only $5 per month you can become a member and support our mission to engage people with cultural heritage and to improve history education worldwide.

Recommended Books

External Links

Cite this work.

Mark, J. J. (2020, July 07). Confucianism . World History Encyclopedia . Retrieved from https://www.worldhistory.org/Confucianism/

Chicago Style

Mark, Joshua J.. " Confucianism ." World History Encyclopedia . Last modified July 07, 2020. https://www.worldhistory.org/Confucianism/.

Mark, Joshua J.. " Confucianism ." World History Encyclopedia . World History Encyclopedia, 07 Jul 2020. Web. 03 Jul 2024.

License & Copyright

Submitted by Joshua J. Mark , published on 07 July 2020. The copyright holder has published this content under the following license: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike . This license lets others remix, tweak, and build upon this content non-commercially, as long as they credit the author and license their new creations under the identical terms. When republishing on the web a hyperlink back to the original content source URL must be included. Please note that content linked from this page may have different licensing terms.

• Games & Quizzes
• History & Society
• Science & Tech
• Biographies
• Animals & Nature
• Geography & Travel
• Arts & Culture
• On This Day
• One Good Fact
• New Articles
• Lifestyles & Social Issues
• Philosophy & Religion
• Politics, Law & Government
• World History
• Health & Medicine
• Browse Biographies
• Birds, Reptiles & Other Vertebrates
• Bugs, Mollusks & Other Invertebrates
• Environment
• Fossils & Geologic Time
• Entertainment & Pop Culture
• Sports & Recreation
• Visual Arts
• Demystified
• Image Galleries
• Infographics
• Top Questions
• Britannica Kids
• Saving Earth
• Space Next 50
• Student Center
• Introduction & Top Questions
• The historical context

The Analects as the embodiment of Confucian ideas

• Mencius: The paradigmatic Confucian intellectual
• Xunzi: The transmitter of Confucian scholarship
• The Confucianization of politics
• The Five Classics
• Dong Zhongshu: The Confucian visionary
• Confucian ethics in the Daoist and Buddhist context
• The Song masters
• Confucian learning in Jin, Yuan, and Ming
• The age of Confucianism: Chosŏn-dynasty Korea, Tokugawa Japan, and Qing China
• Transformation since the 19th century

• Where does Confucianism come from?
• How did Confucianism spread?
• When was Confucius born?

Our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article.

• Brigham Young University - Religious Studies Center - Confucianism
• United Religions Initiative - Confucianism
• Yale Forum on Religion and Ecology - Confucianism Introduction
• University of Central Arkansas - Confucianism as Humanism
• Khan Academy - Confucianism
• Teach Democracy - The Development of Confucianism in Ancient China
• National Center for Biotechnology Information - PubMed Central - How Does Confucianism Influence Health Behaviors, Health Outcomes and Medical Decisions? A Scoping Review
• Florida State College at Jacksonville Pressbooks - Confucianism
• GlobalSecurity.org - Confucianism
• Chemistry LibreTexts - Confucianism: An Overview
• Asia Society - Center for Global Education - Confucianism
• Ancient History Encyclopedia - Confucianism
• Table Of Contents

The Lunyu ( Analects ), the most-revered sacred scripture in the Confucian tradition, was probably compiled by the succeeding generations of Confucius’s disciples . Based primarily on the Master’s sayings, preserved in both oral and written transmissions, it captures the Confucian spirit in form and content in the same way that the Platonic dialogues embody Socratic pedagogy .

The Analects has often been viewed by the critical modern reader as a collection of unrelated reflections randomly put together. That impression may have resulted from the unfortunate perception of Confucius as a mere commonsense moralizer who gave practical advice to students in everyday situations. If readers approach the Analects as a communal memory, a literary device on the part of those who considered themselves beneficiaries of the Confucian Way to continue the Master’s memory and to transmit his form of life as a living tradition, they come close to why it has been so revered in China for centuries. Interchanges with various historical figures and his disciples are used to show Confucius in thought and action, not as an isolated individual but as the centre of relationships. In fact, the sayings of the Analects reveal Confucius’s personality—his ambitions, his fears, his joys, his commitments, and above all his self-knowledge .

The purpose, then, in compiling the distilled statements centring on Confucius seems not to have been to present an argument or to record an event but to offer an invitation to readers to take part in an ongoing conversation. Through the Analects Confucians for centuries learned to reenact the awe-inspiring ritual of participating in a conversation with Confucius.

One of Confucius’s most-significant personal descriptions is the short autobiographical account of his spiritual development found in the Analects :

At 15 I set my heart on learning; at 30 I firmly took my stand; at 40 I had no delusions; at 50 I knew the mandate of heaven; at 60 my ear was attuned; at 70 I followed my heart’s desire without overstepping the boundaries. (2:4)

Confucius’s life as a student and teacher exemplified his idea that education was a ceaseless process of self-realization . When one of his students reportedly had difficulty describing him, Confucius came to his aid:

Why did you not simply say something to this effect: he is the sort of man who forgets to eat when he engages himself in vigorous pursuit of learning, who is so full of joy that he forgets his worries, and who does not notice that old age is coming on? (7:18)

Confucius was deeply concerned that the culture ( wen ) he cherished was not being transmitted and that the learning ( xue ) he propounded was not being taught. His strong sense of mission, however, never interfered with his ability to remember what had been imparted to him, to learn without flagging, and to teach without growing weary. What he demanded of himself was strenuous:

It is these things that cause me concern: failure to cultivate virtue , failure to go deeply into what I have learned, inability to move up to what I have heard to be right, and inability to reform myself when I have defects. (7:3)

What he demanded of his students was the willingness to learn: “I do not enlighten anyone who is not eager to learn, nor encourage anyone who is not anxious to put his ideas into words” (7:8).

The community that Confucius created was a scholarly fellowship of like-minded men of different ages and different backgrounds from different states. They were attracted to Confucius because they shared his vision and to varying degrees took part in his mission to bring moral order to an increasingly fragmented world. That mission was difficult and even dangerous. Confucius himself suffered from joblessness, homelessness, starvation, and occasionally life-threatening violence. Yet his faith in the survivability of the culture that he cherished and the workability of the approach to teaching that he propounded was so steadfast that he convinced his followers as well as himself that heaven was on their side. When Confucius’s life was threatened in Kuang, he said:

Since the death of King Wen [founder of the Zhou dynasty] does not the mission of culture ( wen ) rest here in me? If heaven intends this culture to be destroyed, those who come after me will not be able to have any part of it. If heaven does not intend this culture to be destroyed, then what can the men of Kuang do to me? (9:5)

That expression of self-confidence informed by a powerful sense of mission may give the impression that there was presumptuousness in Confucius’s self-image. Confucius, however, made it explicit that he was far from attaining sagehood and that all he really excelled in was “love of learning” (5:27). To him, learning not only broadened his knowledge and deepened his self-awareness but also defined who he was. He frankly admitted that he was not born endowed with knowledge, nor did he belong to the class of men who could transform society without knowledge. Rather, he reported that he used his ears widely and followed what was good in what he had heard and used his eyes widely and retained in his mind what he had seen. His learning constituted “a lower level of knowledge” (7:27), a practical level that was presumably accessible to the majority of human beings. In that sense Confucius was neither a prophet with privileged access to the divine nor a philosopher who had already seen the truth but a teacher of humanity who was also an advanced fellow traveler on the way to self-realization.

As a teacher of humanity, Confucius stated his ambition in terms of concern for human beings: “To bring comfort to the old, to have trust in friends, and to cherish the young” (5:25). Confucius’s vision of the way to develop a moral community began with a holistic reflection on the human condition. Instead of dwelling on abstract speculations such as humanity’s condition in the state of nature , Confucius sought to understand the actual situation of a given time and to use that as his point of departure. His aim was to restore trust in government and to transform society into a flourishing moral community by cultivating a sense of humanity in politics and society. To achieve that aim, the creation of a scholarly community, the fellowship of junzi (exemplary persons), was essential. In the words of Confucius’s disciple Zengzi , exemplary persons

must be broad-minded and resolute, for their burden is heavy and their road is long. They take humanity as their burden. Is that not heavy? Only with death does their road come to an end. Is that not long? (8:7)

The fellowship of junzi as moral vanguards of society, however, did not seek to establish a radically different order. Its mission was to redefine and revitalize those institutions that for centuries were believed to have maintained social solidarity and enabled people to live in harmony and prosperity. An obvious example of such an institution was the family .

It is related in the Analects that Confucius, when asked why he did not take part in government, responded by citing a passage from the ancient Shujing (“Classic of History”), “Simply by being a good son and friendly to his brothers a man can exert an influence upon government!” to show that what a person does in the confines of his home is politically significant (2:21). That maxim is based on the Confucian conviction that cultivation of the self is the root of social order and that social order is the basis for political stability and enduring peace.

The assertion that family ethics is politically efficacious must be seen in the context of the Confucian conception of politics as “rectification” ( zheng ). Rulers should begin by rectifying their own conduct; that is, they are to be examples who govern by moral leadership and exemplary teaching rather than by force. Government’s responsibility is not only to provide food and security but also to educate the people. Law and punishment are the minimum requirements for order; the higher goal of social harmony, however, can be attained only by virtue expressed through ritual performance. To perform rituals, then, is to take part in a communal act to promote mutual understanding.

One of the fundamental Confucian values that ensures the integrity of ritual performance is xiao (filial piety). Indeed, Confucius saw filial piety as the first step toward moral excellence, which he believed lay in the attainment of the cardinal virtue, ren (humanity). To learn to embody the family in the mind and the heart is to become able to move beyond self-centredness or, to borrow from modern psychology , to transform the enclosed private ego into an open self. Filial piety, however, does not demand unconditional submissiveness to parental authority but recognition of and reverence for the source of life. The purpose of filial piety, as the ancient Greeks expressed it, is to enable both parent and child to flourish. Confucians see it as an essential way of learning to be human.

Confucians, moreover, are fond of applying the family metaphor to the community, the country, and the cosmos. They prefer to address the emperor as the son of heaven ( tianzi ), the king as ruler-father, and the magistrate as the “father-mother official,” because to them the family-centred nomenclature implies a political vision. When Confucius said that taking care of family affairs is itself active participation in politics, he had already made it clear that family ethics is not merely a private concern; the public good is realized by and through it.

Confucius defined the process of becoming human as being able to “discipline yourself and return to ritual” (12:1). The dual focus on the transformation of the self (Confucius is said to have freed himself from four things: “opinionatedness, dogmatism, obstinacy, and egoism” [9:4]) and on social participation enabled Confucius to be loyal ( zhong ) to himself and considerate ( shu ) of others (4:15). It is easy to understand why the Confucian “ golden rule ” is “Do not do unto others what you would not want others to do unto you!” (15:23). Confucius’s legacy , laden with profound ethical implications , is captured by his “plain and real” appreciation that learning to be human is a communal enterprise:

Persons of humanity, in wishing to establish themselves, also establish others, and in wishing to enlarge themselves, also enlarge others. The ability to take as analogy what is near at hand can be called the method of humanity. (6:30)

Formation of the classical Confucian tradition

According to Han Feizi (died 233 bce ), shortly after Confucius ’s death his followers split into eight distinct schools, all claiming to be the legitimate heir to the Confucian legacy. Presumably each school was associated with or inspired by one or more of Confucius’s disciples. Yet the Confucians did not exert much influence in the 5th century bce . Although the reverent Yan Yuan (or Yan Hui), the faithful Zengzi , the talented Zigong , the erudite Zixia, and others may have generated a great deal of enthusiasm among the second generation of Confucius’s students, it was not at all clear at the time that the Confucian tradition was to emerge as the most-powerful one in Chinese history.

Mencius ( c. 371– c. 289 bce ) complained that the world of thought in the early Warring States period (475–221 bce ) was dominated by the collectivism of Mozi and the individualism of Yang Zhu (440– c. 360 bce ). The historical situation a century after Confucius’s death clearly shows that the Confucian attempt to moralize politics was not working; the disintegration of the Zhou feudal ritual system and the rise of powerful hegemonic states reveal that wealth and power spoke the loudest. The hermits (the early Daoists ), who left the world to create a sanctuary in nature in order to lead a contemplative life, and the realists (proto- Legalists ), who played the dangerous game of assisting ambitious kings to gain wealth and power so that they could influence the political process, were actually determining the intellectual agenda. The Confucians refused to be identified with the interests of the ruling minority, because their social consciousness impelled them to serve as the conscience of the people. They were in a dilemma. Although they wanted to be actively involved in politics, they could not accept the status quo as the legitimate arena in which to exercise authority and power. In short, they were in the world but not of it; they could not leave the world, nor could they effectively change it.

• Email Signup

Yale Forum on Religion and Ecology

Confucianism Introduction

Religions of the World and Ecology Series

Confucianism and ecology volume.

Mary Evelyn Tucker and John Berthrong, eds.

“ Introduction: Setting the Context” Mary Evelyn Tucker and John Berthrong

Confucian Ecology Confucianism has significant intellectual and spiritual resources to offer in the emerging discussions regarding attitudes toward nature, the role of the human, and environmental ethics. Its dynamic, organismic worldview, its vitalist understanding of ch’i (material force), its respect for the vast continuity of life, its sense of compassion for suffering, its desire to establish the grounds for just and sustainable societies, its emphasis on holistic, moral education, and its appreciation for the embeddedness of life in interconnected concentric circles are only some examples of the rich resources of the Confucian tradition in relation to ecological issues. A more detailed discussion follows of some of the key ideas of Confucianism regarding cosmology and ethics.

It should be noted that we are using the term Confucianism broadly, to cover the entire tradition. In a historical framework, however, Confucianism generally refers to the early part of the tradition in the Classical era (first millennium BCE) through the Han (206 BCE–220 CE) and T’ang (618–907 CE) dynasties up until the ninth century. Neo-Confucianism is a later development of the tradition that arose in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries and continued down to the twentieth century. A twentieth-century form of Confucianism, arising in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the United States, is known as the New Confucianism.

Naturalistic Cosmology Chinese naturalism as a primary ingredient of Confucianism in its broadest sense is characterized by an organic holism and a dynamic vitalism. The organic holism of Confucianism refers to the fact that the universe is viewed as a vast integrated unit, not as discrete mechanistic parts. Nature is seen as unified, interconnected, and interpenetrating, constantly relating microcosm and macrocosm. This interconnectedness is already present in the early Confucian tradition in the I Ching, or Book of Changes, and in the Han correspondences of the elements with seasons, directions, colors, and even virtues.

This sense of naturalism and holism is distinguished by the view that there is no Creator God; rather, the universe is considered to be a self-generating, organismic process. 1 Confucians are traditionally concerned less with theories of origin or with concepts of a personal God than with what they perceive to be the ongoing reality of this self-generating, interrelated universe. This interconnected quality has been described by Tu Weiming as a “continuity of being.” 2 This implies a great chain of being, which is in continual process and transformation, linking inorganic, organic, and human life-forms. For the Confucians this linkage is a reality because all life is constituted of ch’i, the material force or psycho-physical element of the universe. This is the unifying element of the cosmos and creates the basis for a profound reciprocity between humans and the natural world.

This brings us to a second important characteristic of Confucian cosmology, namely, its quality of dynamic vitalism inherent in ch’i. It is material force as the substance of life that is the basis for the continuing process of change and transformation in the universe. The term, sheng sheng (production and reproduction), is used in Confucian and Neo-Confucian texts to illustrate the ongoing creativity and renewal of nature. Furthermore, it constitutes a sophisticated awarenessthat change is the basis for the interaction and continuation of the web of life systems—mineral, vegetable, animal, and human. And finally, it celebrates transformation as the clearest expression of the creative processes of life with which humans should harmonize their own actions. In essence, human beings are urged to “model themselves on the ceaseless vitality of the cosmic processes.” 3 This approach is an important key to Confucian thought in general, for a sense of holism, vitalism, and harmonizing with change provides the metaphysical basis on which an integrated morality can be developed. The extended discussions of the relationship of li (principle) to ch’i (material force) in Neo-Confucianism can be seen as part of the effort to articulate continuity and order in the midst of change. Li is the pattern amidst flux which provides a means of establishing harmony.

The Ethics of Self-Cultivation For the Confucian tradition as a whole, the idea of self-cultivation implies a “creative transformation” 4 such that one forms a triad with Heaven and Earth. This dynamic triad underlies the assumption of our interconnectedness to all reality and acts as an overriding goal of self-cultivation. Thus, through the deepening of this creative linkage with all things, human beings may participate fully in the transformative aspects of the universe. In doing so, they are participating in an anthropocosmic worldview rather than in an anthropocentric one. Tu Weiming uses this term to indicate that the human is a microcosm situated in the macrocosm of the universe itself. 5 This calls for a sense of relational resonance of the human with the cosmos rather than domination or manipulation of nature.

In cultivating their moral nature within this triad, then, human beings are entering into the cosmological processes of change and transformation. Just as the universe manifests this complex pattern of flux and fecundity, so do human beings nurture the seeds of virtue within themselves and participate in the human order in this process of ongoing transformation. This is elaborated especially by the Han Confucians and Sung Neo-Confucians through a specific understanding of a correspondence between virtues practiced by humans as having their natural counterpart in cosmic processes. For example, in his “Treatise on Humaneness” chu Hsi (1130–1200) speaks of the moral qualities of the mind of Heaven and Earth as four, namely, origination, flourish, advantage, and firmness. These correspond to the four moral qualities of humans, namely, humaneness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. The cosmological and the human virtues are seen as part of one dynamic process of transformation in the universe. In Han Confucian thought these virtues are coordinated with seasons, directions, and colors.

The anthropocosmic view, then, of the human as forming a triad with Heaven and Earth and, indeed, affecting the growth and transformation of things through human self-cultivation and human institutions originates in Classical Confucianism, especially in Hsün Tzu (310–213 BCE), and finds one of its richest expressions in Chang Tsai’s Western Inscription (Hsi ming) in the eleventh century. This relationship of Heaven, Earth, and human becomes expressed as a parental one, and central to this metaphor is the notion of humans as children of the universe and responsible for its care and continuation.

To summarize, then, Confucianism may be a rich source for rethinking our own relationships between cosmology and ethics in light of present ecological concerns. Its organic holism and dynamic vitalism give us a special appreciation for the interconnectedness of all life-forms and renews our sense of the inherent value of this intricate web of life. The shared psycho-physical entity of ch’i becomes the basis for establishing a reciprocity between the human and nonhuman worlds. In this same vein, the ethics of self-cultivation and the nurturing of virtue in the Confucian tradition provide a broad framework for harmonizing with the natural world and completing one’s role in the triad. This is only suggestive of the rich possibilities available within the Confucian tradition for creating a more comprehensive ecological worldview and effective environmental ethics. The essays in this volume point toward such a range of intellectual resources in Confucianism for rethinking human-earth relations. This volume is but a beginning for future exploration.

Volume Overview In order to demonstrate the past, present, and potential Confucian contributions to contemporary ecological discussions, this volume is thematically organized into five major sections. The first section presents two leading Confucian scholars’ analyses of the present ecological crisis in relation to Enlightenment values. The second section outlines the context of Confucianism’s response to the contemporary debate on ecology in terms of worldviews, ethics, and philosophical reconceputalization. The third section presents a partial catalogue of conceptual resources for the task of critique and reconstruction. These materials are drawn from the long history of Confucianism within the East Asian cultural matrix. The fourth section presents a series of philosophic reflections on how Confucianism can add its distinctive voice to the growing global conversation about ecology. The fifth section demonstrates how Confucianism can cope with some very specific contemporary issues, critiques, and case studies.

The volume begins with a foreword to the entire series on religions of the world and ecology, in which the series editors remind us that Confucianism is only one of a number of religious traditions struggling to come to grips with contemporary environmental degradation. Religions have been continually challenged historically to respond to crisis and change. Yet the modern ecological crisis is unique in its scope and destructiveness. Never before has humankind had to question, as Tu Weiming warns, whether or not the human is a viable species. Furthermore, it is now clear that any long-term solution to the ecological crisis will be based on reformulating human values to include the relation of humans to nature. Consequently, religions, as one of the principle civilizational repositories of shared human values, must find ways individually and collectively to address the ecological crisis as a matter of fundamental moral principles and attitudes.

This volume on Confucianism and ecology focuses on the specific contributions of Confucianism to the present debate. The five sections address the ecological crisis in three overlapping modes. These are historical, dialogical, and engaged. A number of the essays approach the question of Confucianism from a historical perspective and describe how Confucianism in East Asia developed views of nature, social ethics, and cosmology, which may now shed light on contemporary problems. Chapters with a dialogical approach link the history of Confucianism to other philosophic and religious traditions. The most pertinent dialogue is that of Confucianism and modernity as embodied in the Enlightenment project. The third mode displays how Confucianism has been and is now involved in concrete ecological issues ranging from economic and industrial development to the role of women as agents of ecological transformation.

The volume begins with Tu Weiming’s critique of the Enlightenment mentality. Tu argues that the modern Enlightenment project is the dominant human ideology for any analysis of the present ecological crisis. In fact, according to Tu, there has never been a more pervasive human ideology. The Enlightenment project created the modern world, which has become slowly aware that its technology has let the genie of ecological disaster out of the bottle of modernity. What began in the West as a search for liberty, equality, and fraternity has led to unrestrained industrialization and unsustainable urban sprawl on both sides of the Pacific Rim and beyond.

Wm. Theodore de Bary’s response to Tu Weiming isolates two of Tu’s main points, the need for rootedness and localization. From de Bary’s point of view, one of the main problems of the Enlightenment is that our easy sense of being rooted in the cosmos was one of the casualties of modernization. We have lost a feeling of connectedness with our world and with humanity. De Bary reminds us that many modern Western thinkers have lamented the loss of community and cosmic solidarity as well. To prove his point, de Bary cites a long passage from Wendell Berry, the American poet-farmer turned ecological activist. Berry himself was stimulated by readings from the Confucian tradition. In the end, de Bary argues that both Berry and Tu follow the classic teaching of the Great Learning (Ta hsüeh) that moves from the cultivation of the self to the proper ordering of the world. In this context, any ordering of the world begins with relearning to protect our local bioregion, cherish our families, and find a way to live in a harmonious manner with the larger cosmos.

The second group of essays, by Rodney Taylor, P. J. Ivanhoe, and Michael Kalton, situates the Confucian response to the ecological crisis within the larger discussion of religion and the environment. Taylor, by reviewing how Confucians such as Tu Weiming and Okada Takehiko look at humanity’s place in the cosmos, comes to the conclusion that Confucianism has the resources for serving as a modern environmental philosophy. Although Confucianism is traditionally considered to be humanistic in focus, Confucians such as Chang Tsai (1020–1077) always viewed human beings as part of the larger cosmos. Taylor locates Confucianism’s contribution both in its historical past and as a dialogue partner for Western philosophers and theologians. Ivanhoe extends the discussion to relate early Confucian reflections on nature to contemporary theories of environmental philosophy. Ivanhoe shows how it is possible to link the thought of Hsün Tzu to the analytical side of modern philosophy. Here again we see how Confucianism, although deeply committed to human flourishing, is always embedded in a primordial cosmic reality. Ivanhoe explains how Hsün Tzu was deeply impressed with the coordination of nature and how human beings must learn to play a role within the larger web of life. This is described in the Confucian cosmology of the interaction of Heaven, Earth, and humans.

Kalton moves on from the historical richness of the Confucian tradition to ask how it can be reconceptualized for the twenty-first century. Kalton builds on the history of Confucian thought and envisions what a modern Confucian philosophy would have to look like in order to be sensitive to the ecological crisis. He shows how this can be done by taking key Neo-Confucian ideas such as principle (li), material force (ch’i), and self-cultivation and applying them to the contemporary situation. He underscores the importance of Confucian reflections on principle and the vital matrix of material force for constructively reconceptualizing our relations with the natural world.

The next section deals in greater detail with various conceptual resources drawn from the Chinese, Korean, and Japanese contexts. Tu Weiming begins with a classic statement of the Confucian concern for the continuity of being. It is this Chinese Confucian focus on the relatedness of being that Tu holds up as the foundation for future Confucian ecological speculations. It is a statement of Tu’s vision of the anthropocosmic nature of Confucianism as an inclusive humanism that is rooted in the regenerative rhythms of the cosmos.

Joseph Adler returns to one of the founding figures of Neo-Confucianism, Chou Tun-i (1017–1073). Adler attends to a key cosmological metaphor of responsiveness (ying) as a method to unlock Chou’s vision of nature and humanity. Adler provides us with careful readings of some of Chou’s texts that reveal how this seminal thinker demonstrated that Confucian social ethics ought to be expanded to include the natural world as well. As Adler reminds us, the Neo-Confucians were famous for their sensitive understanding of living things, so much so that it was reported that Chou was worried about cutting the grass outside the window of his study.

Toshio Kuwako focuses his attention on the thought of Chu Hsi (1130–1200), the grand synthesizer of the Northern and Southern Sung Neo-Confucian philosophy. According to Kuwako, Chu’s genius lay in his ability to take the more random reflections of his Sung colleagues and weave them into a coherent philosophic whole. One of Chu’s chief concerns was to demonstrate that the virtue of humaneness (jen) not only refers to humanity but to the correlation of all living beings and nature.

The next two essays, by Young Chan Ro and Mary Evelyn Tucker, continue the historical discussion of the Confucian resources for ecology through the exploration of the crucial concept of material force (ch’i). In addition to being one of the paramount concepts in the pan-East Asian philosophic lexicon, ch’i functions as a prime resource for reflections on nature and cosmology. Ro guides us through an examination of the Korean Yi Yulgok (1536–1584), one of the most famous of the Yi dynasty Neo-Confucian philosophers. As Ro explains, Yulgok was known for his balanced presentation of ch’i as the connective cosmological link between all beings. Ch’i operates as a foundation for all ecosystems and allows for a place for both humanity and all other entities. In fact, if we consider Yulgok’s arguments seriously, then we must attend to nature as an interconnected web of nature that we disregard at our own peril. Tucker’s essay surveys the broad theme of ch’i in key Chinese Neo-Confucian figures. She then discusses how the Japanese Neo-Confucian Kaibara Ekken (1630–1714) developed an ecological philosophy based on ch’i theory. As with Kuwako and Ro, Tucker makes the case that reflection on ch’i is not only important for our understanding of the East Asian development of Neo-Confucianism but may also provide us with a way to think about humanity and nature in a global context.

The next three chapters are broad-ranging philosophic reflections on contemporary ecological concerns. Chung-ying Cheng attempts a complex interweaving of cosmology, ecology, and ethics. Cheng argues that at the heart of the Confucian vision lies an inclusive humanism based on the relational patterns of the Book of Changes (I Ching). Cheng believes that if we can revive this kind of relational, processive axiology, then we have an opportunity to reverse the dualistic and agonistic patterns of thought that have dominated Western philosophy since the Enlightenment. In much the same spirit, John Berthrong tries to show how Classical Confucian metaphors can be employed by modern New Confucians as they seek to respond to the ecological crisis. Building on the work of Mou Tsung-san, one of the most important of the New Confucians, Berthrong illustrates how the fundamental trait of concern-consciousness can guide the tradition into a strengthened understanding of nature. Robert Neville concludes the trio of philosophic studies by advancing the notion of “posture,” or “orientation,” as important for Confucian ecological reflection. For Neville, posture is related to the notion of ritual or habit, namely, how a human being relates effectively and reciprocally to the wider world, including both humans and nature. Clearly, one of the pressing concerns of the modern world is for humanity to find a balanced way or structure, such as is suggested in the Doctrine of the Mean (Chung yung), that allows for the intrinsic value of nature to be preserved and enhanced as it pertains to human flourishing.

The final triad of essays, by Huey-li Li, Seiko Goto and Julia Ching, and Robert Weller and Peter Bol, move from the theoretical to the practical. As Li notes, whatever rich resources the Confucian tradition might have to contribute to contemporary concerns, many feminists remain unconvinced. Feminists often charge that Confucianism is incurably patriarchal in structure. Li underscores the inevitable contradictions between theories and practices. She observes that despite numerous Taoist and Confucian texts focusing on the unity of nature and humanity, modern East Asia is as highly industrialized and polluted as many other parts of the world. However, Li argues that if we pay proper attention to the notion of heaven (t’ien), we might find a means to address ecofeminist critiques of Confucianism in a constructive manner.

Goto and Ching remind us that not all cultural exchanges occur exclusively through the medium of ideas. They provide us with a study of two famous parks, Kosihikawa Korakuen Park in Japan and the Würlitzer Park in Germany. In outlining some of the Confucian influences on landscape gardening, Goto and Ching underscore the broader cultural and aesthetic matrix in which Confucianism spread beyond China to East Asia and even to the West.

In the final chapter, Robert Weller and Peter Bol directly address the present ecological crisis by asking: How is it possible to promote sound ecological attitudes and policies in contemporary China? They point out that Chinese cosmology is based on a theory of cosmic resonances that shows nature is best understood in terms of pulsating harmonies. Another feature of the Weller and Bol essay is an exploration of popular culture as illustrated by the continued use of traditional almanacs and the persistence of feng shui, or geomancy. The authors note that, as modern Taiwanese try to deal with ecological degradation, they often resort to the language of kinship and cosmic resonance. Whatever ideological means the Chinese may involve in formulating sound ecological policies, some of the underlying motivations and explanations will, no doubt, continue to rely on traditional sources. 6

The essays in this volume, then, show a living Confucian tradition seeking to find a useful retrieval of resources to respond adequately to the growing destruction of the environment in Asia and beyond. Of course, the Confucian world is not alone in this task. All the major religious traditions have become more aware in recent years of the challenge presented by unrestrained development and subsequent pollution. Moreover, they are ever more conscious that, although they may have resources to construct better attitudes and policies toward nature, they have not done so adequately in the past. While further research and discussion is vital, this volume is meant to be an initial step toward lessening the divide between rich conceptual resources and efficacious environmental practices in the contemporary world.

1 Frederick F. Mote, Intellectual Foundations of China (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971) 17–18. Return to text

2 See Tu Weiming’s article, included in this volume, “The Continuity of Being: Chinese Visions of Nature,” originally published in Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative Transformation, Tu Weiming (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1985) Return to text

3 Tu Weiming, Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative Transformation, 39. Professor Tu notes, “For this reference in the Chou I, see A Concordance to Yi-Ching, Harvard Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series Supplement no. 10 (reprint; Taipei: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Service Center, Inc., 1966), 1/1.” Return to text

4 See Tu Weiming’s essays in Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative Transformation. Return to text

5 Tu Weiming uses the term “anthropocosmic” widely. See especially, Weiming, Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative Transformation and Centrality and Commonality. Return to text

6 The understanding of the ecological role of traditional sources, such as geomancy and Chinese medicine, is discussed by E. N. Anderson in Ecologies of the Heart (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996). Return to text

    Copyright © 1998 Center for the Study of World Religions, Harvard Divinity School. Reprinted with permission.

	/enpproperty-->   五常): humanness, righteousness, proper rite, knowledge, and integrity. Its gentleman, or junzi, philosophy has become the standard of many Chinese people, especially intellectuals. Editor: Wen Yi              Utility Menu GA4 Tracking Code Confucianism The Scholarly Tradition The tradition described by the neologism “Confucianism,” first used by European scholars in the 19th century, is rooted in the “The Scholarly Tradition,” of which Confucius is the most well-known practitioner. Some scholars argue that the tradition is a humanistic system of ethics, emphasizing the purification of one’s heart and mind to actively engage in familial and societal matters. Others argue that Confucianism is indeed a humanistic religious tradition, since the completion of moral cultivation is said to lead to cosmological and spiritual transcendence. ... Read more about The Scholarly Tradition “Confucius and Sons” in America Confucian teaching and interpretation largely became based on four key texts called The Four Books: Analects , Book of Mencius , Great Learning , and Doctrine of the Mean . East Asian immigrant communities in the United States differ in the way they view Confucian teachings: Some deem the teachings irrelevant for scientific society and democratic governance, while others uphold the teachings as an integral component of their cultural traditions. ... Read more about “Confucius and Sons” in America To Become a Sage To find expressions of Confucian values in the United States one must look not so much at explicit ceremonial activities, but at underlying motives as they surface in everyday life. Confucian values are often expressed among many East Asian immigrants through an emphasis on education, family cohesiveness, and self-abnegation in support of others. ... Read more about To Become a Sage The 21st Century: A Confucian Revival? The late 20th century saw the rise of organizations that promote Confucianism in the United States and abroad. In 2004, for instance, the Chinese government opened the Confucius Institute, a partnership with many institutions to teach Chinese language, culture, and literature. In the United States, Boston Confucianism is a growing intellectual movement that asserts that anyone, not only East Asians, can participate and learn from the Confucian tradition. ... Read more about The 21st Century: A Confucian Revival? Confucian figures should take part in creating peaceful election: VP Women of the red dragon: chinese mythology as a catalyst for feminism, game changer: how mahjong helped jewish and asian americans overcome racism. Confucius Institute Boston Confucianism Five Classics Confucianism Timeline 93d47c446711dda147dd775e4558d38c, confucianism timeline (text), 551 - 479 bce the life of confucius. Confucius, also known as Kung Fuzi or Master Kong, was born in Qufu in 551 BCE. He emerged during the Warring States Period: a tumultuous time in Chinese history surrounding the collapse of the central government of the Zhou Dynasty. Confucius offered a way to help people make sense of the turmoil, by committing themselves to their local communities, families, schools, and political structures. Alongside the preservation of traditional rituals, he taught humaneness, moral and spiritual reformation, and cultivation of good virtues. Although most public leaders disregarded his teachings, Confucius taught a significant group of disciples who went on to spread his message. While Confucius today is often said to be the founder of Confucianism, he considered himself more of a transmitter or revitalizer of the original Zhou traditions, aiming to restore a just government and create a healthy, moral society. He died in 479 BCE. 479 BCE Temple of Confucius in Qufu A Temple of Confucius was built in Confucius’ hometown, Qufu, nearly one year after his death in 479 BCE. The Temple has been expanded and re-built since then, and is today the oldest and largest Temple of Confucius. ca. 500 BCE The Analects The Analects was compiled around this time. It is the most-revered sacred scripture within the Confucian tradition and contains primarily Confucius’ sayings and teachings. It was likely developed as a corpus of the memory of Confucius by his disciples in the generations after his lifetime to transmit his teachings. 371- 289 BCE Mencius Mencius, also known as Meng Tzu or Mengzi, is the second most important figure in Confucianism, hence his title “the Second Sage.” He was a moral philosopher, political activist, and social critic. His conversations with rulers, students, and other contemporaries regarding Confucian teachings are recorded in a work entitled Mencius, which was later canonized as one of the Four Books of the Confucian Canon. ca. 300 BCE - 235 BCE The Life of Xunzi Xunzi (Hun Kuang) is the last of the Five Great Sages of Confucianism. As a scholar, his interpretations of the Confucian philosophical system helped establish the Confucian school as a formidable political and social influence. 213 BCE Burning of the Books and Burying of Scholars While the details of this event are uncertain, it is said that under a royal decree of the first emperor of the Qin Dynasty, Qin Shi Huang, many books opposing the Legalist school of thought (a rival of Confucianism) were confiscated and burned, and many Confucian scholars were executed. This led to a loss in the preservation of Confucian classics, which were only recovered and re-propagated several decades later during the Han Dynasty. Some believe that the sixth classic, The Book of Music, was completely lost in this event. 206 BCE - 202 CE The Han Dynasty The Han Dynasty arose amidst a flourishing of Confucian thought and practice. Han Emperor Wu (141 BCE - 87 CE) abandoned Legalism in favor of Confucianism, which he established as state philosophy. As the empire expanded into Korean and Vietnamese territory, two schools of thought emerged: the Old Text School, entailing study of the classical canon and early figures, and the New Text School, which infuses theories of yin/yang, the Five Elements, and miraculous tales in order to emphasize supernatural notions of early texts and figures. 136 BCE Emperor Wu Establishes First Confucian Academy During the Han Dynasty, Confucian ideals became deeply embedded into the government and legal system. As part of his efforts to adopt and promote Confucian thought, the Han Emperor Wu established an imperial university based on Confucian texts for teaching future state administrators. He also introduced the civil service examination, a mandatory exam on Confucian classics for all candidates for local office. This practice of requiring that applicants for government positions pass an examination in Confucian texts persisted until the 20th century. 136 BCE Formation of the Five Classics In 136 BCE, Emperor Han, under direction of Confucian scholar Tung Chung-shu (179-104 BCE), grouped the Five Classics together to form the earliest canon of the Confucian tradition. The Five Classics are: I Ching (Book of Changes), Classic of Poetry, Book of Rites, Book of Documents, and Spring and Autumn Annals. According to tradition, Confucius wrote or compiled the Five Classics during his lifetime. Though there is little evidence of this, Confucius’ ideas may be reflected in some of the texts. 175 CE The Five Classics Become China’s Official Scriptures Due to the anti-Confucian policies of the Qin Dynasty, Confucian scholars during the Han Dynasty worked to recover and restore the Confucian Classics. Their efforts culminated in the Five Classics being carved on stone tablets and displayed in the capital. This event symbolized both the finalization of the orthodox Confucian Canon and its adoption as China’s official scripture. 372 CE National Confucian Academy Established in Korea Confucianism began to spread throughout the Korean peninsula in the 3rd century CE. Goguryeo (Koguryo) was one of the three major kingdoms that ruled the Korean peninsula from the 1st century BCE to the 7th century CE. In 372 CE, King Sosurim of Goguryeo established the Tae Hak (“Great Learning”), a national academy for the study and training of elites in Confucian thought and practice. 489 CE First Northern Confucian Temple Outside of Qufu The first northern Confucian temple outside of Confucius’ hometown (Qufu) is built by King Xiaowen of the Northern Wei in China. 604 CE The 17 Article Constitution Though Confucianism is said to have been first introduced to Japan by Wani of Paekche (of Korea) at the end of the 3rd century CE, it did not gain wider prominence until the 6th and 7th centuries. In 604 CE, Prince Shotoku Taishi established a 17 Article Constitution for the ruling class based on Buddhist and Confucian thought, especially the Analects of Confucius. It emphasized the responsibilities of both the sovereign and the ruled for a unified and harmonious state. 618 - 906 CE The Tang Dynasty To promote the growth of education in Confucian thought and values, the Tang Dynasty established many schools and issued versions of the Five Classics that included commentaries. In 630 CE, The Tang government decreed that all schools should have a Confucian temple, leading to a rapid spread in Confucian temples throughout China. The Dynasty also developed official liturgy for worship and sacrifices at these temples. 682 CE Confucianism and Government in Korea A National Confucian Academy was built in the United Silla Kingdom (Korea) in 682 CE. In 788, the Kingdom introduced an exam for state administrators based on Confucianism, though the exam initially had little effect on government. In 958 CE, the exams would become more influential and systematic under King Gwangjong of the Goryeo Kingdom. 700s CE - 1130 CE Neo-Confucianism in China Neo-Confucianism began to develop as a response to Buddhism and Daoism in China. The first formulators included Han Yu (768-824 CE), Li Ao (772-841 CE), and later Zhou Dunyi (1017-1073), as well as its most important synthesizer, Zhu Xi (1130-1200). Thanks to Zhu Xi’s work, Neo-Confucianism was later adopted as the orthodox and state religion of China. The thinkers of the Confucian revival developed a comprehensive humanist vision that meshed Confucian ideas about self-cultivation with social ethics and moral philosophy. This Neo-Confucian philosophy applied classical Confucian principles to the concerns of the time. 1100s CE Neo-Confucianism in Japan Neo-Confucian thought commentaries were introduced in Japan in the late medieval period. However, as a form of thought, Neo-Confucianism did not become prominent in Japan until the seventeenth century CE. Late 1200s CE Neo-Confucianism Introduced to the Korean Peninsula As a result of the efforts of An Hyang, a leading Confucian scholar, Neo-Confucianism was introduced to the Goryeo kingdom in the Korean peninsula. With the rise of Neo-Confucianism, Confucian thought and values began to take on even greater significance in Korean culture and government. 1313 CE The Four Books in China The Four Books (Analects, Book of Mencius, Great Learning, and Doctrine of the Mean) became state orthodoxy of China in 1313 CE, when they were designated as the basis for Chinese civil service examinations. 1392 CE Confucianism Becomes State Religion of Korea Though the Goryeo kingdom adopted Buddhism as its state orthodoxy, the Sejong and Joseon kingdoms adopted Neo-Confucianism as state religion and the official code of practice for administrators. This largely occurred as a result of the rise of Neo-Confucianism and the efforts of its scholars. During this time, Confucian values became strongly ingrained in Korean politics, culture, legal practice, education, and activism — a tradition that persists today in South Korea. Late 1400s CE onward Wang Yang-Ming and the Lu-Wang School Wang Yang-Ming, born in 1472, became the leading Neo-Confucian of the Ming dynasty. He played a significant role in reviving the philosophy of Lu Jiuyuan, leading to the development of the school of the universal mind, or the Lu-Wang school. His Neo-Confucian school of thought emphasized moral education and every human’s innate knowledge of good (liangzhi). The Lu-Wang school’s influence spread beyond China, becoming especially influential in Japan. 1603 CE Government Based on Neo-Confucian Thought in Japan Japan’s Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu established a bureaucratic government that drew inspiration from some Neo-Confucian teachings. 1644 CE - 1912 CE The Qing Dynasty and New Schools During the Qing Dynasty, new schools of Confucianism began to emerge, including Shih Hsueh (Practical Learning), which focuses on moral learning and addressing worldly issues, and Kao Cheng (Evidential Research) which focuses on the study of the canonical texts. 1800s CE Confucianism Syncretizing with Various East Asian Traditions The growth of Mahāyāna Buddhism, Daoism, shamanism, and Shinto in East Asia did not undermine the continuing relevance and strength of Confucianism in many aspects of life -- including government, ritual, family life, ethics, and education. Rather, Confucian values coexisted and syncretized with other East Asian traditions. 1830 - early 1900s CE First American Accounts of Confucianism American Christian missionaries traveled to China and wrote their accounts of Confucianism. In the 1870s, institutions such as Yale University, Harvard University, and the University of California began to devote themselves to the study of Chinese history and culture and Confucianism. 1862 CE First Use of the Term "Confucianism" First use of the term “Confucianism.” It first came into use in the West following encounters between Jesuit missionaries and Chinese scholars. However, for centuries there had been an understanding of Confucianism among East Asian intellectuals that was not directly tied to Confucius but rather to those who followed or studied his teachings. 1919 CE May 4th Movement The May 4th Movement developed as an initiative to bring about modernization and Westernization in China. The movement targeted and denounced Chinese traditions such as Confucianism. The 1905 abandonment of the civil service examination system, as well as the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the New Culture Movement, dealt a blow to Confucianism and traditional Chinese values and practices. Many figures, however, continued to defend Confucianism, believing it could offer ways to remedy China’s problems, and many Chinese people retained Confucian modes of thought. 1961 CE Qufu Confucius Temple Listed as National Cultural Heritage Site The Confucius Temple in Qufu was added to the National Cultural Heritage Sites list. 1966 CE - 1976 CE The Cultural Revolution Mao Zedong came to power in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China. He was especially hostile to the “old thought” of Confucianism, which he saw as the governing ideology of China before the Communist Revolution. This led to the Cultural Revolution, a campaign to eradicate traditional elements from Chinese life and practice, including the destruction of traditional religious sites in China. 1976 CE Renewed Tolerance and the New Confucianism Movement After the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, subsequent governments were more tolerant toward Confucianism and other traditions of China. Though scores of Chinese people in this period grew up knowing little about Confucianism, the New Confucianism movement emerged aiming to adapt traditional Confucian thought and practice to the contemporary age. 1988 CE Beijing Confucius Temple Listed as National Cultural Heritage Site The Beijing Confucius Temple was added to the National Cultural Heritage Sites list. Late 20th Century New Emphasis on Confucian Study in the U.S. Many Chinese scholars of Confucianism emigrated to the United States, bringing with them a renewed emphasis on Confucian study in the U.S. American interest in Confucianism and Chinese culture also continued to grow alongside various geopolitical events involving China. Many Confucian scholars in the US engaged with Western philosophy, re-interpreting classical Confucian texts in the context of contemporary crises. The Present and Future of Confucianism Confucian scholarship thrived during the later years of the 20th century. Confucian studies has seen a revival in universities across the world, and remains particularly strong in Japan; Confucian philosophy continues to have a significant influence in scholarship on ethics, moral philosophy, psychology, and social criticism. Though many modern geopolitical influences — particularly modern Chinese state powers — were hostile to Confucianism, the commitments, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of the Confucian tradition remain vital in the consciousnesses and practices of many people in China and throughout the world. Explore Confucianism in Greater Boston Though there are significant Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, and Korean immigrant communities in Greater Boston, East Asian traditions such as Confucianism, Daoism, and Shintō are difficult to survey as there are very few religious centers. These traditions are deeply imbedded in the unique history, geography, and culture of their native countries and are often practiced in forms that are not limited to institutional or communal settings. Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer. To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser . Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. We're Hiring! Help Center Confucianism in Chinese Society in the First Two Decades of the 21st Century The Cambridge History of Confucianism, ed. Kiri Paramore (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming) This chapter will be published in the forthcoming Cambridge History of Confucianism edited by Kiri Paramore (forthcoming 2022 or 2023). This ahead of print version has been uploaded on Academia.edu with the authorization of the publisher. Related Papers Sébastien BILLIOUD Aknur Adilkhan Despite representing one of the largest economies on the world arena, China has been facing numbers of social and political problems on the domestic front. Issues, such as human rights violations, corruption and inequality, remain to be major public concerns for the country. Currently, China is ranked 84th in the World Happiness Report that measures the level of well-being in a country based on GDP per capita, freedom, life expectancy, etc. This reasonably demonstrates the general social climate in China that has been frequently set as an agenda for public discourse. Such social unrest in the country is often attributed to the post-Mao moral crisis. In this essay, I will first look at the historical processes that inhibited the spiritual development of the Chinese populations. Afterwards, I will move on to discuss the relevance of Confucianism in the modern China by arguing that its ideology, to a certain extent, can act as a moral platform for the Chinese community, and thereby, help it to overcome the threat of moral degeneration. The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Chinese Religions keith knapp Editoria Friburgiana - English Publication Network Ferran Berenguer After the years of revolutionary experimentation the Chinese feel again the need to return to the path of tradition; this occurs nowadays especially with Confucianism, which has experienced a powerful revival albeit the difficulties to recover the ways for shapening its rituals. In this paper we examine how the continuity with the praxis from imperial China has been possible to reestablish and the methods followed to find compromises with the interlude that Maoism meant and which is still present politically in the country. Pablo Cadahia Veira Beginning in the 1980s, a very important development for Confucianism took place in the People’s Republic of China: in what was known as the Culture Fever, many experts on Confucianism who lived outside of mainland China, such as Tu Weiming, were invited by prestigious universities of continental China to give lectures on Confucianism. This fact increased the interest of mainland Chinese scholars in this ancient philosophy, and its study flourished in academia. However, the boom of Confucianism also spread to the PRC’s authorities, who abandoned their distrust of the Master of Lu, and found inspiration in some of his teachings. Moreover, this Confucian boom also spread to the areas of education and society. This phenomenon has been called the “Confucian revival”, and it has become stronger than ever in the present century. Having a huge interest in Confucianism, I decided to research the Confucian revival of the 21st century to show how the revival has changed, and how we can perceive elements of this system of thought in contemporary China. Therefore, this master’s thesis is the result of an investigation of the comeback of Confucianism in mainland Chinese society in this century. The topic of this research will be divided into the areas of politics, academia, and education and society, which I consider to be the realms where the Confucian revival is most visible. Jana Rosker The present issue of The Journal of Asian Studies is dedicated to problems linked to the specific features of Chinese Modernization, as viewed through the lens of Modern Confucianism. paper published in: Is the 21st Century the Age of Asia? ed. J. Marszałek-Kawa, Toruń 2012, pp. 20-41 Mateusz Stępień China Review International Mary I Bockover Loading Preview Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above. RELATED PAPERS Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2023), pp. 145-147. Carole Cusack Religious Studies Review Joseph A Adler LIAO XIAOWEI 廖曉煒 Asian Studies 2(1) The Wiley‐Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice Stephen Angle Asian Studies Richard Worsman Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy Robert A. Carleo III STUDIA UNIVERSITATIS BABEŞ-BOLYAI, PHILOLOGIA, LV, 3, SERBAN TOADER Min Jung You Kiri Paramore Journal of Chinese Philosophy Geir Sigurdsson Human Studies Fred Dallmayr Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies xinzhong yao Frontiers of Philosophy in China Eric S Nelson Contemporary East Asia and the Confucian revival David Elstein Hoyt Tillman RELATED TOPICS   We're Hiring!   Help Center Find new research papers in: Health Sciences Earth Sciences Cognitive Science Mathematics Computer Science Academia ©2024 Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact This essay is about Confucianism, a significant philosophy originating from the teachings of Confucius in ancient China. It highlights the core principles of Confucianism, such as the importance of harmony in human relationships, the cultivation of personal virtue, and the adherence to proper conduct or “li.” The essay explains how Confucian values emphasize hierarchical social relationships, education, and self-improvement, influencing both individual behavior and societal structures. It also discusses the impact of Confucianism on governance, advocating for leadership by virtuous rulers. The essay concludes by examining the ongoing relevance of Confucianism in contemporary society, noting both its enduring influence and the criticisms it faces regarding its patriarchal and hierarchical elements. How it works The foundation of East Asian philosophy, Confucianism, derives from the writings of Confucius, a Chinese philosopher who lived from 551 to 479 BCE. More than just a set of moral precepts, Confucianism is a comprehensive system that addresses justice, morality, social interactions, and education. Over the centuries, Confucianism has had a profound impact on the political and cultural development of nations such as China, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, as well as individual behavior. Harmony in human relationships is central to Confucianism. Confucius believed that moral integrity and personal virtue cultivation could lead to societal harmony. The main virtues in Confucian philosophy are “ren” (benevolence or humaneness), “li” (proper conduct or ritual propriety), “yi” (righteousness), “zhi” (wisdom), and “xin” (trustworthiness). “Ren” is the highest virtue, symbolizing an altruistic love and compassion that should be directed towards others. The notion of “li” plays a pivotal role in Confucianism. It encompasses the rituals and norms that dictate social behavior, ensuring actions are performed with respect and appropriateness. These rituals cover a spectrum from daily etiquette to significant ceremonies, serving to instill discipline and social cohesion. Confucius argued that adherence to “li” is crucial for maintaining societal order and preventing disorder. Encapsulated in the Five Key Relationships—ruler and subject, father and son, husband and wife, elder brother and younger brother, and friend and friend—Confucianism also emphasizes a hierarchical framework in social relationships. These connections emphasize how crucial it is to defer to authority and carry out the responsibilities that come with each position. The relationship between a father and son, for instance, emphasizes filial piety, which holds that children should have respect and consideration for their parents. Respect for the hierarchy of families permeates society as a whole, encouraging deference to authority figures and the application of social rules. Education and self-improvement are central themes in Confucian thought. Confucius believed that individuals could enhance themselves through learning and reflection, thereby becoming morally upright and capable of contributing positively to society. This focus on education has left a lasting legacy in East Asian cultures, where academic achievement and continuous self-improvement are highly valued. The Confucian ideal of the “junzi” or “gentleman” embodies the qualities of a well-educated, morally sound, and virtuous person who serves as a societal role model. In terms of governance, Confucianism advocates for leadership by virtuous rulers who govern by example rather than coercion. Confucius held that a just and moral government would inspire similar qualities in its citizens. This idea influenced the development of the civil service examination system in imperial China, which sought to recruit government officials based on their knowledge of Confucian texts and principles rather than their social status. Confucianism remains relevant in contemporary society despite its ancient roots. In modern China, Confucian values are often invoked to promote social harmony and national unity. Additionally, Confucian ideals continue to influence business practices, educational systems, and family dynamics in East Asia. However, Confucianism has also faced criticism, particularly regarding its patriarchal aspects and its emphasis on hierarchy, which some argue can perpetuate social inequality and limit individual freedoms. In summary, Confucianism is a rich and complex philosophy that has deeply influenced East Asian civilizations. Its teachings on morality, social relationships, education, and governance provide timeless insights into cultivating virtue and maintaining societal harmony. While it is crucial to critically engage with its principles in the context of modern values, the enduring legacy of Confucianism speaks to its profound and lasting impact on the world. Cite this page Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact. (2024, Jun 28). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/confucianism-principles-and-lasting-impact/ "Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact." PapersOwl.com , 28 Jun 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/confucianism-principles-and-lasting-impact/ PapersOwl.com. (2024). Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/confucianism-principles-and-lasting-impact/ [Accessed: 3 Jul. 2024] "Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact." PapersOwl.com, Jun 28, 2024. Accessed July 3, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/confucianism-principles-and-lasting-impact/ "Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact," PapersOwl.com , 28-Jun-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/confucianism-principles-and-lasting-impact/. [Accessed: 3-Jul-2024] PapersOwl.com. (2024). Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/confucianism-principles-and-lasting-impact/ [Accessed: 3-Jul-2024] Don't let plagiarism ruin your grade Hire a writer to get a unique paper crafted to your needs. Our writers will help you fix any mistakes and get an A+! Please check your inbox. You can order an original essay written according to your instructions. Trusted by over 1 million students worldwide 1. Tell Us Your Requirements 2. Pick your perfect writer 3. Get Your Paper and Pay Hi! I'm Amy, your personal assistant! Don't know where to start? Give me your paper requirements and I connect you to an academic expert. short deadlines 100% Plagiarism-Free Certified writers You are now being redirected to ebook library.... Home — Essay Samples — Philosophy — Confucianism — The Significance of the Concepts of Confucianism The Significance of The Concepts of Confucianism Categories: Confucianism About this sample Words: 3040 | 16 min read Published: Oct 31, 2018 Words: 3040 | Pages: 7 | 16 min read Cite this Essay Let us write you an essay from scratch 450+ experts on 30 subjects ready to help Custom essay delivered in as few as 3 hours Get high-quality help Verified writer Expert in: Philosophy + 120 experts online By clicking “Check Writers’ Offers”, you agree to our terms of service and privacy policy . We’ll occasionally send you promo and account related email No need to pay just yet! Related Essays 5 pages / 2405 words 5 pages / 2149 words 2 pages / 710 words 1 pages / 441 words Remember! This is just a sample. You can get your custom paper by one of our expert writers. 121 writers online Still can’t find what you need? Browse our vast selection of original essay samples, each expertly formatted and styled Confucianism, one of the most influential philosophical and ethical systems in Chinese history, is based on five main concepts that provide a framework for moral behavior and societal harmony. From the importance of filial piety [...] Legalism and Confucianism are two of the most prominent philosophies that emerged during China's Warring States period. While these two belief systems may seem fundamentally different at first glance, a closer examination [...] Various philosophical and religious traditions have shaped the beliefs and practices of societies around the world. Two prominent schools of thought that have had a profound impact on Chinese culture and beyond are Daoism and [...] Confucianism draws from two principal texts The Mandate of Heaven and the Analects of Confucius. Kong Fuzi (551 – 479 BCE) fathered Confucianism which emerged in the sixth century BCE. However, as the political climate of china [...] Confucianism and Daoism are two of the most influential philosophical and religious traditions to have emerged from ancient China. Despite their differences, they share a number of similarities that have shaped the cultural and [...] The three methods identified by Confucius are reflection, imitation, and experience. Reflection is that we can enhance the ability to learn and absorb what we learn. With this, we can make a connection with what we already [...] Related Topics By clicking “Send”, you agree to our Terms of service and Privacy statement . We will occasionally send you account related emails. Where do you want us to send this sample? By clicking “Continue”, you agree to our terms of service and privacy policy. Be careful. This essay is not unique This essay was donated by a student and is likely to have been used and submitted before Download this Sample Free samples may contain mistakes and not unique parts Sorry, we could not paraphrase this essay. Our professional writers can rewrite it and get you a unique paper. Please check your inbox. We can write you a custom essay that will follow your exact instructions and meet the deadlines. Let's fix your grades together! Get Your Personalized Essay in 3 Hours or Less! We use cookies to personalyze your web-site experience. By continuing we’ll assume you board with our cookie policy . Instructions Followed To The Letter Deadlines Met At Every Stage Unique And Plagiarism Free How It Works All Projects Top-rated Pages Admission essay writing Book report writing Cheap essay writing Coursework writing Dissertation writing Essay editing MBA essay writing Scholarship essay writing Term paper writing Write my essay Free sample essays Writing blog Best History Essay Examples Confucianism essay sample. 610 words | 3 page(s) Many experts note that Confucianism is seen as a system that intended to regulate philosophical and social order, being something beyond important than the religion. Primarily, it aimed to regulate the value system of an average citizen of China, set the cultural and the religious foundations and only then transcend these values into the institutions by creating an ideal state. Mostly, the doctrine that emerged during the times of the Chinese Empire has been preserved until these days. The origin of Scripture by Master K’ung comprised the certain aspects still relevant these days. For instance, the concept of righteousness originated in the doctrine and was actively popularized by the rulers of China until the 20th century. A lot of important aspects that arose from the Confucianism go beyond the pure philosophy and religion and focus on the importance of growing as a thoughtful and caring individual who will serve the society. Ultimately, when Confucianism was no longer relevant to the Communist regimes, some of the values have shifted due to the association of Confucianism to the Empire. The overarching aim of Confucianism was the creation of the state based on the value system. Use your promo and get a custom paper on "Confucianism Essay Sample". Since Confucianism was one of the earliest traditional beliefs, it was undoubtedly a predecessor of the non-Confucianism. The early believers of Confucianism had a firm conviction in the male-dominated world, and their value system revolved around the understanding of the values, primarily cherished by men. Ethical and moral dimensions were conveyed in the idea of filial conduct. Later, when Non-Confucianism substituted the beliefs of Confucianism, it is still pertinent in the mentality of the Chinese citizens. Among the rest of religions, the preaching of Confucius remains more than relevant these days, as the historical tradition that lasted for over two thousand years, continued a significant influence on the mentality of the citizens. The key domains preserved their meaning and the concepts listed provide relevant guidelines until these days, even though the Communist regime cherished different rules of the game and did not necessarily agree with everything that was previously indoctrinated by the theology. Comparing to other religions, the concept of humanism that originated in Western Europe the decades later had its roots in East Asian religion – in Confucianism. As the focus shifted to cherishing the collective good, Confucianism did not provide the principles for the collective behavior. To some extent, the notions embedded in humanism aimed to create an ideal state, where the individualist values would be cherished and cultivated. The academic narrative asserts that Confucianism as such did not derive from However, as the time flew, these beliefs have shifted, and non-Confucianism became the ideology preached by the Communist power. The liberalization of the social expectations and the change of political structure resulted in the creation of the different values and beliefs. One of the main effects of the non-Confucianism was the loss of the mental aspects that Chinese citizens adhered to throughout the centuries. Instead of the values of righteousness and the common good, the focus of the state and its obligations to the citizens became a social priority in China. Thereby, the amount of Confucianism became partially lost. Moreover, the religious ideology of the region stood for the promotion of atheism instead of the support of values that were respected before. Naturally, Confucianism with its spiritual focus was forced to fade away. To sum up, Confucianism aimed to regulate the value system which would bring the new way of understanding how the state and the institutions should function and where humanism will prevail. Under the ‘ideal state,’ the strong institutions based on the moral beliefs would facilitate the regulation of the social order. Have a team of vetted experts take you to the top, with professionally written papers in every area of study. The Kingly Way (2024) by Linzhi Wang and Shaun O’Dwyer Chastising little brother Why did japanese confucians enthusiastically support imperial japan’s murderous conquest of china, the homeland of confucius. by Shaun O’Dwyer   + BIO At the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (1946-48), convened to try Japanese military and civilian leaders for war crimes, one defendant delivered a puzzling explanation for Japan’s 1937-45 war against China. The aim of the struggle, he said, had been to make ‘the Chinese undergo self-reflection’, adding: ‘It is just the same as in a family when an older brother has taken all that he can stand from his ill-behaved younger brother and has to chastise him to make him behave properly.’ That defendant was General Matsui Iwane, commander of the army that devastated Shanghai before perpetrating the Nanjing Massacre in December 1937. According to the Military Tribunal, at least 200,000 were murdered and 20,000 women raped in the first weeks of the city’s occupation. For Iris Chang, author of the controversial bestseller The Rape of Nanking (1997), Matsui’s words ‘summed up the prevailing mentality of self-delusion’ among the Japanese that the war against China was intended to create a better China integrated into Japan’s ‘Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’. Yet when we dig deeper into Matsui’s background, other puzzles emerge. He was the son of a former samurai and Confucian scholar, and shared his father’s deep interest in Chinese culture. Prior to the war, Matsui often visited China, becoming acquainted with Chinese nationalist leaders such as Chiang Kai-shek and Sun Yat-sen, whom he admired. Like Sun, Matsui professed to be a Pan-Asianist. According to Matsui’s Pan-Asianism, Japan had a mission to unify Asia, first by rescuing it from the oppressive yoke of European imperialism. This mission included relieving China from its ‘miserable condition’ of subjugation. But if China’s leadership proved disobedient to Japan’s brotherly paternalism and succumbed to foreign ideologies such as communism, it needed to be ‘punished’ and brought to its senses. Matsui’s liberationist rhetoric on behalf of China also coincided with material interests in enforcing a Japanese ‘Monroe Doctrine’ for Asia. Matsui Iwane riding into Nanjing, China on 17 December 1937. Courtesy Wikipedia Matsui was far from alone in his belief that China’s punishment was for the sake of lofty Pan-Asianist ideals. Leading Japanese Confucian scholars shared his convictions. It seems incredible, on the face of it, that Confucians would support what was nothing more than military aggression. Originating 2,500 years ago in the Warring States era, Confucian tradition typically emphasises the cultivation of virtue and ritual propriety as a basis for ‘Kingly Way’ rule by moral suasion, rather than by force. Confucians like Mencius chastised rulers who ignored the welfare of their subjects while they emptied their treasuries to build up military power. So how could Japanese Confucians moralistically uphold Japan’s wartime aggression against the homeland of Confucius himself? L ong established in Japan, Confucianism underwent a Tokugawa-era renaissance stimulated by late-16th- to 17th-century transmissions of Neo-Confucian learning from Korea and China. Alongside Buddhism, Confucian learning enjoyed the official patronage of Japan’s shogun rulers – but not without major changes. Political-cultural factors peculiar to Tokugawa Japan conditioned the reception to Neo-Confucian learning, incentivising modifications and syncretisms that had long-lasting effects down to the 20th century. As rulers of a hereditary, military caste-based system of governance, the Tokugawa shoguns were sensitive to political ideas that might threaten their legitimacy, and unreceptive to Confucian convictions about the moral fallibility – and perfectibility – of rulers. Ancient Confucian endorsements for ministerial prerogatives to depose or execute rulers who had forfeited Heaven’s Mandate, or Confucian suggestions that rulers could pass on their throne to virtuous successors not related by blood, were not tolerated. Chinese-style civil service examinations based on Neo-Confucian learning had only limited uptake in the caste-based Tokugawa social order. In the Tokugawa era, the imperial court was located in Kyoto, firmly under the shogun’s power. However, during this period, traditional Shinto beliefs about the divine origins of Japan’s emperors became the focus of scholarly attention, offering source material for a syncretic ‘Japanisation’ of imported Confucian doctrines, which elevated the spiritual importance of the imperial family. As early as the 17th century, some Confucian scholars like Yamaga Sokō were claiming that Japan, not China, deserved to be called ‘The Middle Kingdom’, since its people practised virtue consistently under an unbroken imperial line, whereas China was beset by constant dynastic changes and instability. This doctrine still clung to upholding the shogunate by appealing to its delegated authority from the imperial line By the early 19th century a sense of crisis was gathering, as awareness grew of the military might and imperialist ambitions of the European powers. Scholars associated with the Mito School, a school of thought synthesising Confucianism and Shintoism, responded to this perceived threat with proto-nationalist theories for fostering the spiritual and moral unity of the Japanese. One of its scholars, Aizawa Seishisai, developed a deeply influential definition of the mystical concept of the ‘national polity’ ( kokutai ) for binding subjects’ loyalty against foreign threats. The kokutai was, for him, a ritual-based order of non-coercive, virtuous rule, originated by the Sun-goddess Amaterasu and passed down by the unbroken line of her imperial Japanese descendants, which unified filial piety and loyalty in a manner found in no other state. Yet this was a doctrine that still clung to upholding the shogunate by appealing to its delegated authority from the imperial line. It took a new generation of reformers, spurred by the appearance of Commodore Matthew Perry’s US ‘Black Ships’ in Edo Bay in 1853 and the first influxes of Western learning, to harness Confucian-Shinto nationalism for the overthrow of the shogunate. Commodore Perry’s naval squadrons, and acute awareness of the humiliation of China by superior Western firepower in the Opium Wars , induced the Tokugawa shogunate to sign a series of unequal trade treaties with the United States and European powers after 1853. These developments convinced many leading members of the old samurai class that the shogunate’s time was up, and that Japan desperately needed to reform along Western lines. During the civil strife that led to the overthrow of the shogunate and the founding of a modern state under Emperor Meiji’s ‘restored’ imperial rule in 1868, the eyes of ambitious reformers were cast to opportunities abroad, for foreign learning, new technologies and social advancement. With the departure of growing numbers of Japanese for study abroad, and rapid traffic of foreign legal, political, scientific and military advisors into Japan, reformers’ ambitions were soon fulfilled. Japan embarked on a breakneck industrialisation. Conservative reformers looked to German statism for models in governance, and in educational and military organisation. The Meiji Constitution, proclaimed in 1889, incorporated kokutai imperial foundation myths, and fatefully institutionalised a ‘symbolic’ imperial command over the armed forces alongside provisions for representative government and civic liberties. Yet, through all these reforms, Confucianism did not decline into obsolescence, even though the old Confucian academies were closing down. It is true that liberal reformers like Fukuzawa Yukichi thought Confucianism had no positive role to play in Japan’s modernisation. Others, however, took a different view. I noue Tetsujirō plays a pivotal role in our story. Born in 1855, in the last years of the Tokugawa shogunate, he received a traditional Confucian education in his boyhood, and a European postgraduate education in philosophy at German universities between 1884-90. In the 1880s, as an associate professor at the newly founded University of Tokyo, Inoue conceived a far-reaching project to ‘academicise’ Confucianism as ‘philosophy’ in the European sense of the term, and as ‘thought’ compatible with European history of ideas analysis. Under his influence, the University of Tokyo would become an early powerhouse for Sinological and Confucian studies. Inoue Tetsujirō. Courtesy Wikipedia His role after 1890 as a prolific ideologue for Japan’s Ministry of Education also repays attention. Drawing on his studies of German idealist philosophy, Inoue recognised the importance of fomenting a renewed Volksgeist or national spirit among the Japanese to solidify their resistance to Western ideological as well as military threats. He propagated a widely influential national morality doctrine based on a modernised, syncretic Shinto-Confucianism – and on a modern Bushidō mythology that he had a big hand in confecting . Confucianism came to be seen as the unifying force for Japan’s ‘Pan-Asianist’ leadership of Asia Inoue’s Confucian study The Philosophy of the Japanese Wang Yangming School (1900) testified to a timely expression of this national morality abroad. In June, an anti-foreigner uprising of ‘Boxer’ rebels and some Chinese Imperial Court factions led to a siege of the foreign diplomatic quarter in Beijing. Some 8,000 Japanese troops joined a multinational force to break the siege. Inoue boasted that the troops of Japan’s expeditionary force distinguished themselves from their European and US allies by ‘manifesting an unparalleled attitude of purity in our national morality … to dazzle the eyes of all nations around the world’. Confucianism was already being invoked to glorify the conduct of the Japanese Imperial Army abroad under the infallible Heavenly Mandate of the emperor, their commander-in-chief. An originally defensive nationalist outlook was transforming into a more expansive vision for Japanese leadership in East Asia, legitimated by its spiritual vitality and military power. In the years following the First World War, Confucianism came to be seen as a source of spiritual renewal, and as the unifying force for Japan’s ‘Pan-Asianist’ leadership of Asia – just when its status in China appeared to be crumbling under the iconoclastic attacks of the May Fourth Movement. A number of Japanese Confucian and Chinese studies organisations and movements were established, under government patronage, and some of them became very preoccupied with China affairs. T he Shibunkai was a Chinese and Confucian studies organisation of particular importance. It is little known today, and its pre-1945 history has been researched by a small number of Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean, American and Australian scholars . It was founded in 1918 by notables such as the University of Tokyo sinologist Hattori Unokichi, the Chairman of the Privy Council Viscount Kiyoura Keigo and the business tycoon Shibusawa Eiichi. The head of the former Tokugawa ruling family Prince Tokugawa Iesato became chairman of the Shibunkai in 1922, and it gained direct royal patronage with the appointment of Marshal Admiral Prince Fushimi Hiroyasu as its president. List of leading wartime Shibunkai members compiled in 1947. Courtesy the National Diet Library Counting now mostly forgotten scholars like Inoue Tetsujirō, the Chinese literature theorist Shionoya On, the historian Iijima Tadao and the philosopher Takada Shinji in its ranks, the Shibunkai aspired to be a research as well as an educational organisation. It campaigned for classical Chinese literacy and Confucian-based morality education in schools, and published studies on the Chinese classics and Confucian thought in its journal Shibun . Hattori Unokichi in 1936. Courtesy Wikipedia From early on, the Shibunkai concerned itself with developments in China. The 1911 Revolution in China confirmed Hattori Unokichi’s convictions about the indigenous revolutionary undercurrents in Chinese history – notwithstanding the facts that Japan’s own military and diplomatic actions towards Qing Dynasty China had greatly weakened its legitimacy, and that Chinese nationalist revolutionaries like Sun Yat-sen had taken inspiration from Japan’s modernisation. Yet for Shibunkai scholars like Hattori, what eventually appeared different and disturbing about this Chinese revolution was its overthrow of China’s monarchy for a republic. That was a blow against Confucian loyalty to rulers. Meanwhile, Sun Yat-sen’s ‘Three Principles of the People’ appeared to them to be a heretical synthesis of Western ideologies such as US-style democracy, chauvinistic nationalism and communism. Factions within Japan’s military took advantage of their elevated position to engage in adventurism in China In the early years of the Chinese Republic, Japanese officials, and Shibunkai members, began to undertake pilgrimages to the Kong Family Estate in Shandong’s Qufu town, where the young 77th descendant of Confucius, Kong Decheng, and his clan lived. At this time, the estate had become impoverished and neglected. In her autobiography The House of Confucius (1988), Kong Decheng’s sister Kong Demao recalled the interests of Japanese visitors. Some of them were researchers studying the estate, some of them tourists paying respects at the estate’s temples, and some, bearing precious gifts and Confucian texts, took an interest in Kong Decheng. Shibunkai visitors pinned their hopes for improved China-Japan relations on these visits, and convinced themselves that the descendants of Confucius would be suitable rulers of a China reconciled again with its Confucian culture. Chinese researchers have argued that one mission for the Shibunkai ‘was to use Confucianism to assist Japan’s expansion into China’. The Shibunkai’s scholars didn’t see it that way, of course. They believed they were engaged in a paternalistic spiritual undertaking, exhorting the Chinese to restore the Confucian Way and the monarchical order suited to upholding it. In the 1930s, as factions within Japan’s military took advantage of their elevated position to engage in adventurism in China, with or without the support of civilian government, the Shibunkai went along with subsequent elite group-shifts that normalised expansionism. They even wielded some influence in the direction those shifts took, and this influence speaks to a harmonisation between the ‘spiritual’ interests of the Shibunkai and the material interests of political and military factions seeking control over China. The Japanese Kwantung Army’s occupation of Manchuria in 1931, undertaken (at least initially) in defiance of Japan’s civilian government, ushered in a new era of political instability and authoritarianism in Japan. Ideological cottage industries moralised Japanese expansionism through two rather confusing notions: the ‘Kingly Way’ and the ‘Imperial Way’. These notions were subject to divergent interpretations by Pan-Asianists, socialists, Confucians and ultranationalist military factions. For General Matsui, the ‘new state of the Kingly Way’, his term for the Japanese puppet regime in Manchuria, was to be a harbinger for a future ‘freedom and glory of Asia’. For some Left-wing reformers, the Kingly Way was a means to realise an egalitarian, anticapitalist agrarian society in Manchuria, and end the strife caused by warlords and by Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government. The Shibunkai scholars offered their own hybrid Confucian-Shinto interpretations of the Kingly Way that affirmed Japan’s Pan-Asian mission in East Asia. The Kingly Way of virtuous governance was practised in its highest and most consistent form in Japan, they averred, with its unbroken line of virtuous emperors and its unparalleled unity of filial piety and loyalty. As the 1930s progressed, Shibunkai scholars asserted that Japan’s Confucian-Shinto Kingly Way should be distinguished as the Imperial Way. This all appealed to political and military elite leaders who believed in a Pan-Asian case for a benevolent Japanese imperialism. T hat these notions enjoyed government support was demonstrated in the organisation of a grand conference on Confucianism held in April 1935 at the Shibunkai’s base, the Yushima Sage Hall in Tokyo. Attended by government ministers, the puppet emperor of Manchuria, Puyi, and 60 Japanese, European, colonial Korean, Taiwanese and Manchurian scholars, the conference was meant to promote the Pan-Asian, Confucian case for Japan’s leadership in East Asia, and the potential of its Kingly Way to uphold world peace. The Japanese Foreign Ministry assisted the Shibunkai in diplomatic efforts to recruit Kong Decheng and other Chinese Confucian notables for the conference. The Chinese Nationalist government, aware of possible Japanese plans to use Kong as a future puppet ruler in northern China, directed him to stay home, and permitted another Kong family member to attend in his place. Kong Decheng in 1935. Courtesy Wikipedia At the conference, Shionoya On denounced Italian military threats against Ethiopia, and repudiated both fascism and Nazi revanchism as ‘outside the bounds of the Kingly Way’. Yet, like his colleagues, Shionoya enthusiastically supported the war against China when it broke out two years later. From late 1937 onward, Shibun magazine began to leaven its educational and scholarly content with a small but significant infusion of war-themed writing, with titles such as ‘The Brutality of the Chinese’, ‘Chiang Kai-shek Knows Nothing of History’ and ‘Confucian War and the Current Situation’. They claimed a Heavenly Mandate for ‘Holy War’ against China. There are fairly prosaic reasons why the Shibunkai Confucians rallied so enthusiastically for the war. For them, as for many other Japanese at the time, the Imperial Japanese Army was the emperor’s army, and the emperor was morally infallible. Therefore, it was unquestionably waging a righteous, holy war. But that is only part of the story, for the Shibunkai Confucians dug into traditional Confucian thinking on just war to rationalise Japanese military aggression. A ruler who waged punitive war against a tyrant invited punitive war by his neighbours back on himself The concept of the ‘decree’ or ‘mandate’ of Heaven is key. In ancient Chinese cosmology, Heaven, as a quasi-divine power, conferred its mandate on rulers who were benevolent and saw to the material and spiritual welfare of their people. The proof of such a mandate was supposedly revealed in the prosperity and peacefulness of a realm under such rulers. On the other hand, a tyrannical ruler could forfeit that mandate, and the proof of that was found in the onset of natural and human disasters, and the turning of his people against him. According to the 4th-century BCE Mencius and ancient Chinese histories, such rulers invited their own demise, as sufficiently virtuous neighbouring rulers could rightfully claim Heaven’s decree to launch a punitive military expedition to overthrow them. Evidence for that Heavenly decree was manifested if the people suffering under such rulers flocked to the neighbouring ruler’s army and willingly submitted to his benevolence. But expeditions could also be undertaken to punish barbarians. When Mencius lashed out against ‘rebellious ministers and villainous sons’ and heretical scholars who ‘acknowledge neither king nor father’, he compared them not only to beasts, but also to uncultured barbarians who deserved military punishment by sage rulers. Such a doctrine could be manipulated by would-be aggressors claiming Heaven’s Mandate. So Mencius warned that a ruler who waged punitive war against a tyrant, but then proceeded to plunder and slaughter his subjects, invited punitive war by his neighbours back on himself. Nevertheless, the language of righteous punishment and the Heavenly Mandate suffuses some Shibunkai scholars’ wartime writing. Thus in October 1937, Shionoya called for improved education relating to China. Yet he also argued that for peace to be maintained, ‘the savage Chinese army … must be thoroughly punished and republicanism eradicated’. In Shibun two months later, Iijima Tadao claimed that since the Chinese had embraced republicanism and communism, they were bereft of filial piety and loyalty, putting themselves in an even more degraded position than that of ancient barbarians. Iijima echoed the reasoning of his Tokugawa Confucian forebears to suggest that Japan, not China, was now the true ‘Middle Kingdom’. The Japanese ‘emperor’s army’ was thereby entitled to ‘punish’ the Chinese, much as Mencius claimed ancient Chinese Sage rulers had punished barbarians. Writing in the same month that Matsui’s army committed the Nanjing Massacre, Iijima added that: ‘We must truly attribute its successive victories in battle to a Mandate from Heaven.’ Still, he hoped this punishment would support Chinese Confucian revivalists trying to bring their compatriots back to the Confucian fold. This conviction in Heaven’s Mandate and Japan’s righteousness did not waver with the outbreak of war against the US and the UK in 1941. Writing for Shibun in October 1942, Takada Shinji boasted about Japan’s victories over the British and the Americans. He pointed to the secure status of Shandong’s Confucian sacred sites and ‘legacies’ under the control of the Japanese army as proof that the ‘Way of the Sages [was] now being put into practice by the Japanese Empire’. In his last article for Shibun published in January 1944, 11 months before his death, Inoue Tetsujirō wrote that the war was ‘a moral war, waged with the goal of destroying the immoral American and British enemies’. B ut were these Japanese Confucians all that influential during the war? They were influential with some regional elites in the empire. From the 1930s to the ’40s, Korean scholars educated in Japan went on to propagate ‘Imperial Way’ Confucianism at the former Sungkyunkwan Confucian Academy in Seoul, renamed as Gyunghakwon during the colonial era. As late as the 1970s, Korean national ethics school textbooks were teaching Japanese-inflected Confucian virtues of filial piety and loyalty, reflecting the colonial-era Japanese education of the South Korean dictator Park Chung Hee and his educational advisors. The Confucians’ influence in Manchurian and China affairs varied. In the early years of the Manchurian puppet state, the Japanese promoted Confucianism with the collaboration of Chinese traditionalists such as Manchuria’s first prime minister and advisor to Puyi, Zheng Xiaoxu. Shionoya On cultivated a friendship with Puyi, meeting him in 1928 and in 1933 in Manchuria. Shibunkai members also served as ‘China advisors’ to the government in the 1930s. Hattori Unokichi submitted a lengthy policy brief in 1938 to the Foreign Office recommending the postwar establishment of a joint Japan-China ‘Kingly Way’ research institute, and a Confucian university in Shandong. Perhaps the Shibunkai had their best chance to directly influence China policy in January 1938 as the Japanese army advanced on Shandong’s Qufu city, the home of the Kong family estate where Shibunkai scholars had tried to cultivate Kong Decheng as a future ruler of China. However, Kong and his pregnant wife were evacuated to Wuhan on Chiang Kai-shek’s orders just before the arrival of Japanese forces, provoking false Shibunkai accusations that they had been ‘kidnapped’ by the ‘Chinese warlords’. In Wuhan, Kong declared his anti-Japanese patriotism to foreign reporters, demolishing Shibunkai hopes for him. Perhaps they were so invested in their ideology that it was unimaginable for them to express dissent As the war in China bogged down in attritional combat and vicious counterinsurgencies, it seems that Japan’s military leadership lost interest in Confucianism as a means for ‘spiritually’ reconciling the Chinese to Japanese overlordship. Attendance of prime ministers or cabinet ministers at the Shibunkai’s spring Confucian festivals ceased after 1942, which hints at a decline in government patronage. But this was a mere foretaste of the Shibunkai’s deeply diminished standing and visibility after the war, following US occupation-era purges of senior members from their universities, and a sharp Leftward turn in postwar Japanese Sinology. Much as critics have raised questions about the complicity of the Kyoto School Japanese philosophers and Zen Buddhist intellectuals, we can speculate about the reasons for the complicity of Japanese Confucians who were far closer to – even members of – the wartime political elite. Perhaps, practically speaking, they were so invested in their ideology and in the material benefits of their elite position that it was unimaginable for them to express dissent, even as information about war atrocities in China must have reached them. In that light, the postwar recriminations against them appear morally justified. What appears astonishing in hindsight is how much Japanese Confucians’ wartime denunciations of the Chinese Nationalist government were at odds with what they knew of its own Confucian aspirations. They knew that, beginning in the early 1930s, the Nationalist government had been sponsoring revived Confucian festivals and rituals, and formalising a modern ceremonial rank and status for the descendants of Confucius. Inoue Tetsujirō grudgingly acknowledged at the 1935 Yushima Sage Hall conference that the Nationalist regime was attempting its own Confucian revival with its ‘New Life Movement’. Following a prewar visit to the Confucian family estate in April 1937, Takada Shinji admitted in Shibun that Kong Decheng’s tutor had rebuked Japan by declaring Confucian disapproval of military aggression to him, and that Kong, rather obviously feigning illness, was unable to meet him. And like Inoue, he admitted that the Nationalists were trying to revive Confucianism – albeit under Japanese influence. Nevertheless, the Japanese Confucians were just too engrossed in their imaginings of a true, classical Confucian national spirit for China, which they believed flesh-and-blood Chinese could live up to only under Japanese guidance . From their point of view, Chiang Kai-shek’s decision to resist Japan in July 1937 was a betrayal that revealed him to be just another Chinese warlord, incapable of practising the Confucian Kingly Way. Their inability to respect Chinese aspirations for a modern nation state like Japan’s, for a Confucianism that upheld Chinese nationalism rather than Japanese Pan-Asianism, or for a life free from war and occupation, was their greatest culpability. Chiang Kai-shek and Kong Decheng in Taipei, Taiwan in 1968. Courtesy Academia Historica Eight decades on, is it possible that Confucianism’s still potent cultural legacy will be exploited to moralise the hegemonic ambitions of today’s militarising East Asian power – China – and that another generation of Confucian thinkers will become complicit with those ambitions? Whatever ambitions China’s political elites hold, they appear less interested in using Confucianism for such ends. Anyone reading the bombastic screeds on ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ issued in President Xi Jinping’s name will encounter few references to Confucianism, and much sloganeering for Marxist-Leninist dogmas. Chinese Confucian scholars, though numerous and ambitious, lack the official patronage that Japanese Confucians enjoyed in the 1930s. And, in the rest of East Asia, Confucian academic philosophising is politically diverse, synthesising Confucianism’s humanistic elements with progressive and constitutional democratic theories. Some official efforts, however, are underway to boost the Chinese Communist Party’s cultural nationalist credentials by syncretising Marxism-Leninism with Confucianism. It is not beyond imagination that the Chinese Communist Party may also invoke Confucianism to legitimate the civilisational, Pan-Asian parameters for its own Monroe Doctrine for East Asia – beginning with Taiwan, seemingly in the clutches of US power. In a 2011 essay on the ‘Taiwan question’ by the leading Chinese law professor Jiang Shigong, there is a disquieting presentiment of what imperial Confucian foreign policy would look like if it was adopted by China’s leadership. Reflecting on the centrality of resolving the Taiwan question for China’s destiny, Jiang wrote that China’s reunification with Taiwan and assertion of political leadership in East Asia will restore ‘the whole of East and Southeast Asia to the Confucian civilisational tradition’. History of technology Learning to love monsters Windmills were once just machines on the land but now seem delightfully bucolic. Could wind turbines win us over too? Stephen Case Global history The route to progress Anticolonial modernity was founded upon the fight for liberation from communists, capitalists and imperialists alike Frank Gerits Thinkers and theories Paper trails Husserl’s well-tended archive has given him a rich afterlife, while Nietzsche’s was distorted by his axe-grinding sister Peter Salmon Philosophy of mind The problem of erring animals Three medieval thinkers struggled to explain how animals could make mistakes – and uncovered the nature of nonhuman minds Moral progress is annoying You might feel you can trust your gut to tell right from wrong, but the friction of social change shows that you can’t Daniel Kelly & Evan Westra The disruption nexus Moments of crisis, such as our own, are great opportunities for historic change, but only under highly specific conditions Roman Krznaric 121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples 🏆 best confucianism topic ideas & essay examples, 💡 most interesting confucianism topics to write about, 📌 simple & easy confucianism essay titles, 👍 good essay topics on confucianism, ❓ confucianism discussion questions. Reflection on Confucianism Yao reacts against the constricted view of the philosophy, which comes from failure to open into the historical development of the philosophy and the role of the Confucian tradition as a whole in advancing Confucianism. Distribution Features of Confucianism and Buddhism Confucianism is more a philosophical doctrine than a religion, and its connection with the East is strong due to the specifics of the Asian mentality. Hsun Tsu “Human Nature Is Evil”: The Human Nature According to Confucianism Despite this view of the writer he receives opposition from the Mencious view of the human nature who argues that if at all a man saw a child at the verge of falling over a […] Differences Between Confucianism and Daoism For this reason, all men in the society are required to assist the authorities in the administration of the state. To a Confucian, the state is the guardian of every individual, and should be protected. Confucianism and Women During the Tang Dynasty His teachings were focused on the ability to ritualize life; one of the main focuses of those teachings was that the majority of the problems in society were the result of individuals forgetting their proper […] Confucianism and Daoism Influence on Zen Buddhism The concept of “emptiness” and “nothingness” is often mentioned and discussed in Zen philosophy. Together with the concept of ephemerality, Zen and Daoism explain that reality is conceived rather than seen. Philosophy: What Is Confucianism? Confucius taught that the role of the elders is to teach the youth and the role of the youth is to learn from the elders. Daoism, Legalism and Confucianism’ Philosophical Theories This paper discusses how both Daoism and Legalism differ from Confucianism on the issues of family, human nature, education, role of ruler, role of government, and role of individual. Confucianism and Taoism One of the common elements between Confucianism and Taoism is their philosophical belief of the “ever changing nature of the world”. Chinese Religions: Confucianism and Daoism Reading the Book of Changes, generally known as the Yijing, which is considered to be the first manifestation of the Chinese religious worldview, is one of the rituals. Animism, Shinto, Dao, and Confucianism Yin and Yang represent the primordial play of opposites in life and the world known as the Dao. In one way or another, Yin and Yang are present in all religious movements in China; the […] Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Yin and Yang, Shintoism, Taoism, and Confucianism Taoism is based on self-discovery, change, and the absence of restrictions, and Yin and Yang are the epitomai of change and alteration. Philosophical Teachings of Stoicism and Confucianism Firstly, speaking about the principal contrasts between Stoicism and Confucianism, it should be mentioned that Confucius developed the teaching aimed at the improvement of the state structure, whereas the Stoics pay the main attention to […] Discussing Ethical Perspectives: Business and Confucianism Rowley and Oh go further in the investigation of Confucian paternalism in Chinese management and find out that business ethics could use the Confucian idea of “love”. Tokugawa Period: Confucianism as an Integral Part or the Culture This was not the first introduction of Confucianism to Japan – Confucian studies had of course been pursued in Japan since the sixth and seventh centuries A.D.at the latest – but never before had the […] Confucianism and Daoism: The Vision of Life The contribution of the Zhou dynasty is invaluable and the most visible. According to Daoism people should live in harmony with nature and the whole world. Confucianism and Reproduction The impact of Confucianism and their concept of marriage as reproductive vehicle were overlaid with the introduction of the one-child policy which makes it difficult to assess the current impact of Confucianism on the reproduction […] Confucianism: Its Components and Relation to the Society The primary concern of Confucius is the misery and the distress prevailing in the society because of the immorality of its people. Wisdom in Judaism and Confucianism Judaism is a religion based on the relationship between God and man and to the Jewish wisdom means having insightful knowledge of the relationship between oneself and God. World Religions: Confucianism and Buddhism Birth as the first stage of human life is supported by rituals that have to protect the woman and her child. Buddhism and Confucianism in Modern China In the article “Concepts and Institutions for a New Buddhist Education: Reforming the Sa gha between and within State Agencies,” Stefania Travagnin discusses the opposition between Buddhist education and Western education in China the beginning […] Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty: Metaphysics Focus To be a human meant to occupy a proper place in the society and to be a member of the system. Neo-Confucians taught people to understand the material world around them and be an integral […] Confucianism and Daoism Differences and Criticism The Daoist believes about the world are well depicted in the story about the frog in the well by Zhuang Zi. Confucianism in China and Japan Most of the ancient Chinese sages had a metaphysical view of the world before the introduction of Confucianism. First, the Japanese people adopted the Chinese concept of Confucianism and developed it to be more social. Confucianism and Its Role in the Chinese Culture In this case, the Confucianism philosophy holds that the father must remain in charge of both the moral and academic education of the son. Confucianism and Daoism Comparison One of the chief concepts of Daoism is the need to follow a way of nature as opposed to following a social or societal order. Therefore, the frog that is in a well is in […] Asian Confucianism Philosophy and Literature Nonetheless, Confucianism is still present in Asian people’s minds and in their literary works as their philosophy, affected by different intrusions, is rooted in their hearts in the form of genetic memory. Confucianism and Legalism in the Qin Dynasty In the modern era, the ethical lessons that form the framework of Confucianism continue to influence the mindsets and conducts of billions of people in the world. Confucianism and Government: Chinese Political System It is important to analyze the way Confucianism appeared as the political doctrine to understand the way it affects the contemporary Chinese society. Confucianism as a Lifestyle: Philosophy and Principles It is the duty of elders to teach the young and it is the duty of the young to learn from elders. World Religions: Confucianism and Its Influence Ren is one of the key concepts of Confucianism; it is the ultimate responsibility of selflessness and humaneness for persons within society. Zhuang Zi’s Theory: Daoism and Confucianism However, Zhuang Zi argues that there is a point known as a privileged point of view and it is the most ideal for all observers to take. Analysis of Confucianism in The Analects by Yao 3 The readings helped me to obtain certain understanding of what Confucianism is and what the major principles of the tradition are. How Confucianism as the Asian American Heritage Has Been Maintained in Asian American Families The Confucian philosophy uses the concepts of training and control and love in the Chinese parenting practices, such that they are deeply involved in the lives of their children. Confucianism as the Foundation of the Present Chinese Culture As the most influential figure in the Chinese history, the way that the Chinese people live today is closely interrelated to the incredible teachings of Confucius. Confucianism Ideology and Its Usefulness The thesis statement of the discussion is that Confucianism is useful in cultivating and instilling good morals in individuals and in so doing contributes to harmonious co-existence of people in society. Analogies for Daosism: Self-Construction and the Attempt to Reach the Enlightenment in Comparison to Confucianism Analyzing the key concepts of Daoism, i.e, “analogies”, one can possibly figure out what the philosophy of Daoism manifests as the ultimate enlightenment, as well as compare the given ideas with the similar ones from […] Asian Studies: Confucianism and Buddhism in China For this reasons, Buddhism is popular followed in China and has contributed to the growth of the Chinese culture up to date. Confucianism and Judeo-Christianity For instance, enhanced standards of living, in countries that embrace individual freedom, such as America and Europe, are likely to be viewed in light of the size of the yard that an individual’s home covers […] Confucianism and its Effects on Human Rights Development Precisely, its ideas on freedom of speech and expression, fair treatment and equality before the law and its humanistic aspects have laid a basis for the propagation and protection of human rights in the world […] Japanese Confucianism View Point The writer illustrates that the Japanese views asserted that Confucianism was a social system which influenced morality in the society. The Confucianism view on education was that it was an essential aspect of human life […] Importance of Ritual in Confucianism and in Islam Rituals in religious contexts are considered as actions that denotes symbolic activities and practices that are carried out by people, for example, when greeting a certain set of people belonging to a certain age set, […] Daoism and Confucianism According to the teachings of Confucianism, the use of early Chinese traditions is the best and most appropriate way of having an organized community. This would lead to improvement of individuals and the society as […] Evidence of Confucianism in the Traditional Funeral and Post-Burial Rites of Korea The aim of this paper is to propose a research project that will explore a religious aspect of people of East Asia. Confucianism System For over 2,000 years, China’s poetry and history, government and social life, and the ethics of the society dominate philosophical system of Confucianism. The family reflected the social, economic, and political units of the society. The Strong Work Ethic of East Asian People and the Impact of Confucianism and Technological Innovations Understanding the Interesting and Unique Religion of Confucianism The Effect of Confucianism and Communism on Women in China Similarities Between Confucianism, Legalism, And Buddhism Aspects Of Judaism Daoism Confucianism In The Axial Age The Development of the Neo-Confucianism During Sung Times in China Was Confucianism Responsible For China’s Failure To Modernize An Overview of the Life of Confucius as the Founder of Confucianism Confucianism, Islam, Kinship Responsibilities and Moral Codes Values and Morals of Confucianism Impact Many Cultures Relevance of Confucianism in the Modern World Confucianism and the Rise of Industrialism in East Confucianism And Taoism On The Goal Of Self Improvement Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, Philosophy Of Confucianism Confucianism And Taoism : A Common Thread That Is Observed Benefits of Confucianism If Applied to the Philippines Background of Daoism and Confucianism in China and its Influences The Reinvention of Confucianism in Northeast Asian Societies The Common Grounds: Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism and Shintoism Buddhism and Confucianism Are Religions Without a God Why Did the Communist Revolution Originally Seek to Quell Confucianism? Comparing and Contrasting Confucianism and Legalism A Look at the Philosophy Behind Confucianism and Its Prevalence in China The Beliefs of China’s Religious System: Daoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism Disneyfication of Confucianism as Presented in Mulan The Consequences of Confucianism and Patriarchy on Chinese Society An Analysis of the Compatibility of Confucianism to Basic Human Rights The Role And Status Of Women In Buddhism And Confucianism An Analysis of the Concepts of Religion and Confucianism, Taoism, and Christianity Comparing the Three Major Religions: Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism Confucianism And It’s Implications In Modern China Connection between the Confucianism and the Japanese Growth during the Post-World War Two Period Similarities and Differences between Confucianism in China and Hinduism in India Confucianism and Daoism in Pre-Modern Chinese Literature The Influence of Caste System in India and Confucianism in China Confucianism And Its Impact On Chinese Culture The Similarities between Confucianism, Daoism, and Legalism An Overview of Confucianism, a Philosophical System Created by Confucius The Effects of Neo-Confucianism on the Tang and Song Empires The Possibility of Economic Prosperity Under Confucianism A History of Confucianism in Eastern Asia between the Years of 200 and 800 C.E The Major Reasons for the Slow Death of Confucianism The Laughing Sutra by Mark Salzman: Ideas from Confucianism, Buddhism, and Hinduism Buddhism Hinduism Confucianism And Monotheistic Religions What Has Made Confucianism Such an Enduring Philosophy in the Asia Pacific Region? Why Is Confucianism a Religious Tradition Despite Its Lack of Concern for the Afterlife? What Did Confucius’ Teaching Focus On? How Does Confucianism and Daoism View Women? Are Confucianism and Islamic Ethics Applicable in the Contemporary World? What Does Li Mean in Confucianism? How Did Neo-Confucianism Respond to the Changes of Late Ming Society? What Important Features Do Confucianism and Filial Piety Share? Does Confucianism Reduce Board Gender Diversity? What Are the Beliefs of Confucianism? How Did Confucianism Impact China? What Are Relations Between Confucianism and Democracy? How Has Confucianism Influenced Economic Growth? What Are Relationships Between Family and Government Under Confucianism History? How Has Neo-Confucianism Influenced South Korea? What Are the Similarities and Differences Between Confucianism in China and Hinduism in India? When Does Confucianism Meet the Challenge of Environmental Sustainable Development? What Is Confucius’ Philosophy? What Are the Main Teachings of Confucianism, Daoism, and Legalism? In What Ways Do Confucianism and Daoism Complement Each Other, and in What Ways Do They Oppose Each Other? What Relationship Was Confucianism Most Based On? Is Confucianism a Monotheistic Religion? What Aspects of the Confucian and Daoist Teachings Are Still Relevant to the 21st Century World? How Did Confucianism Relate to the Mandate of Heaven? What Are the Four Main Principles of Confucianism? Is Confucianism a Religion or a Philosophy? What Is the Definition of Confucius’ Golden Rule? How Did the Spread of Confucianism Affect Japanese Women? What Is the Ultimate Goal of Confucianism? Orientalism Titles Skepticism Essay Topics Hinduism Topics Islam Topics Judaism Ideas Sikhism Research Topics Christianity Topics God Paper Topics Chicago (A-D) Chicago (N-B) IvyPanda. (2024, March 2). 121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/confucianism-essay-topics/ "121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples." IvyPanda , 2 Mar. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/topic/confucianism-essay-topics/. IvyPanda . (2024) '121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples'. 2 March. IvyPanda . 2024. "121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples." March 2, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/confucianism-essay-topics/. 1. IvyPanda . "121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples." March 2, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/confucianism-essay-topics/. Bibliography IvyPanda . "121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples." March 2, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/confucianism-essay-topics/. 345 IMAGES Confucianism Confucianism Confucianism Essay (BOOK) Confucianism Ideology and Its Usefulness Confucianism: Morality and Confucius Essay Example "The Influence of Confucianism" by Hue VIDEO What is Confucianism? #china #philosophy #lifestyle #what THE CONFUCIANISM LIFE #history #philosophy Understanding Confucianism: the principle of benevolence #Philosophy #Confucianism #Ethics  Understanding Confucianism: the principle of Li #Philosophy #Confucianism #Ethics  The Influence of Confucianism on Vietnamese Culture Understanding Confucianism: what is it and where is it from? #philosophy #confucianism #ethics  COMMENTS Confucianism Confucianism, the way of life propagated by Confucius (6th-5th century BCE) and followed by the Chinese people for more than two millennia. Still the substance of learning, the source of values, and the social code of the Chinese, it has also influenced other countries, particularly Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. Friday Essay: an introduction to Confucius, his ideas and their lasting Friday Essay: an introduction to Confucius, his ideas and their lasting relevance. The man widely known in the English language as Confucius was born around 551 BCE in today's southern Shandong ... Confucianism Confucianism is a philosophy and belief system from ancient China, which laid the foundation for much of Chinese culture. Confucius was a philosopher and teacher who lived from 551 to 479 B.C.E. His thoughts on ethics, good behavior, and moral character were written down by his disciples in several books, the most important being the Lunyu. Confucianism believes in ancestor worship and human ... Confucius (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) Confucius. At different times in Chinese history, Confucius (trad. 551-479 BCE) has been portrayed as a teacher, advisor, editor, philosopher, reformer, and prophet. The name Confucius, a Latinized combination of the surname Kong 孔 with an honorific suffix "Master" ( fuzi 夫子), has also come to be used as a global metonym for ... Confucianism An essay on Confucianism: its roots, premise, impact on society over time and modern incarnations. ... school, and state; its priests were not separate liturgical specialists, but parents, teachers, and officials. Confucianism was part of the Chinese social fabric and way of life; to Confucians, everyday life was the arena of religion. The ... Philosophy: What is Confucianism? Essay. Confucianism is an ethical, philosophical, and political ideology that is common in Asian communities. It is based on the teachings of Confucius who is rated among the greatest Chinese philosophers. After its founding, the system was embraced as an ethical and political system to govern people's lives. Confucianism Definition. Confucianism is a philosophy developed in 6th-century BCE China, which is considered by some a secular-humanist belief system, by some a religion, and by others a social code. The broad range of subjects touched on by Confucianism lends itself to all three of these interpretations depending on which aspects one focuses on. PDF An introduction to Confucianism An inscribed portrait of Confucius travelling around to teach, supposedly painted by Wu Daozi, a famous painter in the Tang Dynasty (618-906) frontispiece. (Located between pages 138 and 139) The statue of Confucius at the main hall of the Temple of Con-fucius, Qufu, the home town of Confucius. Confucianism Confucianism - Analects, Philosophy, Ethics: The Lunyu (Analects), the most-revered sacred scripture in the Confucian tradition, was probably compiled by the succeeding generations of Confucius's disciples. Based primarily on the Master's sayings, preserved in both oral and written transmissions, it captures the Confucian spirit in form and content in the same way that the Platonic ... Confucianism Introduction These are historical, dialogical, and engaged. A number of the essays approach the question of Confucianism from a historical perspective and describe how Confucianism in East Asia developed views of nature, social ethics, and cosmology, which may now shed light on contemporary problems. Chapters with a dialogical approach link the history of ... Confucianism and "Confucianism": Describing and Problematizing the The essay argues that understanding Confucianism as a cultural repertoire—a toolkit of images, institutions, practices, and texts that may be used to situate an audience within a given story and effect changes in both the mindset of that audience and the audience's world itself—is the most effective way to see how Confucianism's ... Confucianism and its influence today Confucianism, developed from thoughts by Confucius during the Spring and Autumn Period (770-476BC), is an ethical and philosophical system which has become an influential part of Chinese culture. As Sept 28 marked the 2,565th birth anniversary of Confucius, let's take a look at Confucianism and its influence on people today. ... Confucianism The tradition described by the neologism "Confucianism," first used by European scholars in the 19th century, is rooted in the "The Scholarly Tradition," of which Confucius is the most well-known practitioner. Some scholars argue that the tradition is a humanistic system of ethics, emphasizing the purification of one's heart and mind ... Confucius and His Philosophy Confucius, the founder of Confucianism, was a Chinese philosopher who lived between 551 B.C. and 479 B.C. He founded the school of thought, Confucian, which made much revolutionaries in the political and social arena of the Chinese people. Indeed, Confucius was a revolutionary leader who sought to liberate people from extremist Chinese leaders. Confucianism in Chinese Society in the First Two Decades of the 21st Beginning in the 1980s, a very important development for Confucianism took place in the People's Republic of China: in what was known as the Culture Fever, many experts on Confucianism who lived outside of mainland China, such as Tu Weiming, were invited by prestigious universities of continental China to give lectures on Confucianism. Confucianism: Principles and Lasting Impact This essay is about Confucianism, a significant philosophy originating from the teachings of Confucius in ancient China. It highlights the core principles of Confucianism, such as the importance of harmony in human relationships, the cultivation of personal virtue, and the adherence to proper conduct or "li." Confucianism System Scholars refer to Confucianism as a system of thought based on the teachings of Confucius, who lived from 551 to 479 B.C.E. Confucius had a significant influence on the life and thought of China more than any other person in Chinese history. He had titles like Sage of All Time and First Teacher (Molloy 11). Get a custom Essay on Confucianism ... Essays Of Lim Boon Keng On Confucianism With Chinese Translations Essays of Lim Boon Keng on Confucianism ChunBao Yan 2014-10-07 This book introduces and promotes Dr Lim Boon Keng's thoughts on Confucianism. Dr Lim is an outstanding thinker and an authority on Confucian history of Singapore. His thoughts on Confucianism represent the fusion of Confucianism and Christianity, which is unique in the history of ... The Significance of The Concepts of Confucianism Confucianism, being a way of life that can be viewed as a philosophy and sometimes as a religion has been followed by the Chinese for a period of about two millennia. Although the school of thought has been transformed over time, it remains to be a platform of knowledge, the foundation of morals, and the societal policy of the Chinese people. Reflection on Confucianism Introduction. Confucianism is considered as one of the philosophies that were developed in the ancient times yet it still asserts a significant influence on the contemporary society (Liu 2006, 47). One of the authors who have written widely on Confucianism is Yao. In his presentation of Confucianism, Yao (2005, 17) makes attempts to link the ... Full article: The Adolescence of Mainland New Confucianism The Essays. The event that sparked the essays included here takes place in early 2015, when the Shanghai-based online newspaper The Paper (Pengpai xinwen) publishes a two-part "Interview with the Taiwanese Confucian Li Minghui."Like many of the pieces included in this issue, what we translate here is the edited transcript of an oral interview (some of the others are edited transcripts of ... Confucianism Essay Sample Confucianism Essay Sample. Many experts note that Confucianism is seen as a system that intended to regulate philosophical and social order, being something beyond important than the religion. Primarily, it aimed to regulate the value system of an average citizen of China, set the cultural and the religious foundations and only then transcend ... Japan's war on China and the weaponisation of Confucianism Confucianism came to be seen as the unifying force for Japan's 'Pan-Asianist' leadership of Asia. Inoue's Confucian study The Philosophy of the Japanese Wang Yangming School ... In a 2011 essay on the 'Taiwan question' by the leading Chinese law professor Jiang Shigong, there is a disquieting presentiment of what imperial Confucian ... 121 Confucianism Essay Topic Ideas & Examples The thesis statement of the discussion is that Confucianism is useful in cultivating and instilling good morals in individuals and in so doing contributes to harmonious co-existence of people in society. Analogies for Daosism: Self-Construction and the Attempt to Reach the Enlightenment in Comparison to Confucianism. assignment essay homework paper phd report review speech thesis