brief biography of confucius

Confucius was an influential Chinese philosopher, teacher and political figure known for his popular aphorisms and for his models of social interaction.

551 BCE–479 BCE

Who Was Confucius?

Early life and family, confucianism, confucius’ beliefs, philosophy and teachings, books by confucius, quick facts.

NAME: Confucius BORN: 551 BCE DIED: 479 BCE BIRTHPLACE: Qufu, China

Confucius, also known as Kong Qiu or K’ung Fu-tzu, was a Chinese philosopher, teacher and political figure. His teachings, preserved in the Analects, focused on creating ethical models of family and public interaction and setting educational standards. After his death, Confucius became the official imperial philosophy of China, which was extremely influential during the Han, Tang and Song dynasties.

Confucius was born probably in 551 B.C. (lunar calendar) in present-day Qufu, Shandong Province, China.

Little is known of Confucius’ childhood. Records of the Historian , written by Ssu-ma Chi’en (born 145 B.C.; died 86 B.C.) offers the most detailed account of Confucius’ life. However, some contemporary historians are skeptical as to the record’s accuracy, regarding it as myth, not fact.

According to Records of the Historian , Confucius was born into a royal family of the Chou Dynasty. Other accounts describe him as being born into poverty. What is undisputed about Confucius’ life is that he existed during a time of ideological crisis in China.

Confucianism is the worldview on politics, education and ethics taught by Confucius and his followers in the fifth and sixth centuries B.C. Although Confucianism is not an organized religion, it does provide rules for thinking and living that focus on love for humanity, worship of ancestors, respect for elders, self-discipline and conformity to rituals.

As of the fourth century B.C., Confucius was regarded as a sage who had deserved greater recognition in his time. By the second century B.C., during China’s first Han Dynasty, his ideas became the foundation of the state ideology. Today Confucius is widely considered one of the most influential teachers in Chinese history. The philosophies are still followed by many people living in China today and has influenced thinking in Japan, Korea and Vietnam.

During the sixth century B.C., competing Chinese states undermined the authority of the Chou Empire, which had held supreme rule for over 500 years. Traditional Chinese principles began to deteriorate, resulting in a period of moral decline. Confucius recognized an opportunity — and an obligation — to reinforce the societal values of compassion and tradition.

The Golden Rule

Confucius’ social philosophy was based primarily on the principle of "ren" or "loving others" while exercising self-discipline. He believed that ren could be put into action using the Golden Rule, "What you do not wish for yourself, do not do to others." ( Lunyu 12.2, 6.30).

On Politics

Confucius’ political beliefs were likewise based on the concept of self-discipline. He believed that a leader needed to exercise self-discipline in order to remain humble and treat his followers with compassion. In doing so, leaders would lead by positive example. According to Confucius, leaders could motivate their subjects to follow the law by teaching them virtue and the unifying force of ritual propriety.

On Education

Confucius’ philosophy of education focused on the "Six Arts": archery, calligraphy, computation, music, chariot-driving and ritual. To Confucius, the main objective of being an educator was to teach people to live with integrity. Through his teachings, he strove to resurrect the traditional values of benevolence, propriety and ritual in Chinese society.

Confucius is credited with writing and editing some of the most influential traditional Chinese classics.

‘Analects of Confucius’

Lunyu , which sets forth Confucius’ philosophical and political beliefs, is thought to be compiled by his disciples. It is one of the "Four Books" of Confucianism that Chinese philosopher Zhu Xi, a self-proclaimed Neo-Confucian, published as Sishu in 1190. Far-reaching in its influence, Lunyu was later translated into English under the title The Analects of Confucius .

Other books by Confucius include a rearrangement of the Book of Odes as well as a revision of the historical Book of Documents . He also compiled a historical account of the 12 dukes of Lu, called the Spring and Autumn Annals .

Confucius died on November 21, 479 B.C. in Qufu, China, a year after losing his son, Tzu-lu, in battle. At the time of his death, Confucius was convinced that his teachings had not made a significant impact on Chinese culture, even though his teachings would go on to become the official imperial philosophy of China. His followers held a funeral and established a mourning period in his honor.

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At different times in Chinese history, Confucius (trad. 551–479 BCE) has been portrayed as a teacher, advisor, editor, philosopher, reformer, and prophet. The name Confucius, a Latinized combination of the surname Kong 孔 with an honorific suffix “Master” ( fuzi 夫子), has also come to be used as a global metonym for different aspects of traditional East Asian society. This association of Confucius with many of the foundational concepts and cultural practices in East Asia, and his casting as a progenitor of “Eastern” thought in Early Modern Europe, make him arguably the most significant thinker in East Asian history. Yet while early sources preserve biographical details about Master Kong, dialogues and stories about him in early texts like the Analects ( Lunyu 論語) reflect a diversity of representations and concerns, strands of which were later differentially selected and woven together by interpreters intent on appropriating or condemning particular associated views and traditions. This means that the philosophy of Confucius is historically underdetermined, and it is possible to trace multiple sets of coherent doctrines back to the early period, each grounded in different sets of classical sources and schools of interpretation linked to his name. After introducing key texts and interpreters, then, this entry explores three principal interconnected areas of concern: a psychology of ritual that describes how ideal social forms regulate individuals, an ethics rooted in the cultivation of a set of personal virtues, and a theory of society and politics based on normative views of the family and the state.

Each of these areas has unique features that were developed by later thinkers, some of whom have been identified as “Confucians”, even though that term is not well-defined. The Chinese term Ru (儒) predates Confucius, and connoted specialists in ritual and music, and later experts in Classical Studies. Ru is routinely translated into English as “Confucian”. Yet “Confucian” is also sometimes used in English to refer to the sage kings of antiquity who were credited with key cultural innovations by the Ru , to sacrificial practices at temples dedicated to Confucius and related figures, and to traditional features of East Asian social organization like the “bureaucracy” or “meritocracy”. For this reason, the term Confucian will be avoided in this entry, which will focus on the philosophical aspects of the thought of Confucius (the Latinization used for “Master Kong” following the English-language convention) primarily, but not exclusively, through the lens of the Analects .

1. Confucius as Chinese Philosopher and Symbol of Traditional Culture

2. sources for confucius’s life and thought, 3. ritual psychology and social values, 4. virtues and character formation, 5. the family and the state, other internet resources, related entries.

Because of the wide range of texts and traditions identified with him, choices about which version of Confucius is authoritative have changed over time, reflecting particular political and social priorities. The portrait of Confucius as philosopher is, in part, the product of a series of modern cross-cultural interactions. In Imperial China, Confucius was identified with interpretations of the classics and moral guidelines for administrators, and therefore also with training the scholar-officials that populated the bureaucracy. At the same time, he was closely associated with the transmission of the ancient sacrificial system, and he himself received ritual offerings in temples found in all major cities. By the Han (202 BCE–220 CE), Confucius was already an authoritative figure in a number of different cultural domains, and the early commentaries show that reading texts associated with him about history, ritual, and proper behavior was important to rulers. The first commentaries to the Analects were written by tutors to the crown prince (e.g., Zhang Yu 張禹, d. 5 BCE), and select experts in the “Five Classics” ( Wujing 五經) were given scholastic positions in the government. The authority of Confucius was such that during the late Han and the following period of disunity, his imprimatur was used to validate commentaries to the classics, encoded political prophecies, and esoteric doctrines.

By the Song period (960–1279), the post-Buddhist revival known as “Neo-Confucianism” anchored readings of the dialogues of Confucius to a dualism between “cosmic pattern” ( li 理) and “ pneumas ” ( qi 氣), a distinctive moral cosmology that marked the tradition off from those of Buddhism and Daoism. The Neo-Confucian interpretation of the Analects by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) integrated the study of the Analects into a curriculum based on the “Four Books” ( Sishu 四書) that became widely influential in China, Korea, and Japan. The pre-modern Confucius was closely associated with good government, moral education, proper ritual performance, and the reciprocal obligations that people in different roles owed each other in such contexts.

When Confucius became a character in the intellectual debates of eighteenth century Europe, he became identified as China’s first philosopher. Jesuit missionaries in China sent back accounts of ancient China that portrayed Confucius as inspired by Natural Theology to pursue the good, which they considered a marked contrast with the “idolatries” of Buddhism and Daoism. Back in Europe, intellectuals read missionary descriptions and translations of Chinese literature, and writers like Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) and Nicolas-Gabriel Clerc (1726–1798) praised Confucius for his discovery of universal natural laws through reason. Enlightenment writers celebrated the moral philosophy of Confucius for its independence from the dogmatic influence of the Church. While at times he was criticized as an atheist or an advocate of despotism, many Europeans viewed Confucius as a moral philosopher whose approach was in line with rationalism and humanism.

Today, many descriptions combine these several ways of positioning Confucius, but the modern interpretation of his views has been complicated by a tendency to look back on him as an emblem of the “traditional culture” of China. In the eyes of some late nineteenth and twentieth century reformers who sought to fortify China against foreign influence, the moral teachings of Confucius had the potential to play the same role that they perceived Christianity had done in the modernization of Europe and America, or serve as the basis of a more secular spiritual renewal that would transform the population into citizens of a modern nation-state. In the twentieth century, the pursuit of modernization also led to the rejection of Confucius by some reformers in the May Fourth and New Culture movements, as well as by many in the Communist Party, who identified the traditional hierarchies implicit in his social and political philosophy with the social and economic inequalities that they sought to eliminate. In these modern debates, it is not just the status of Confucius in traditional China that made him such a potent symbol. His specific association with the curriculum of the system of education of scholar-officials in the imperial government, and of traditional moral values more generally, connected him to the aspects of tradition worth preserving, or the things that held China back from modernization, depending on one’s point of view.

As legacies of Confucius tied to traditional ritual roles and the pre-modern social structure were criticized by modernizers, a view of Confucius as a moral philosopher, already common in European readings, gained ascendancy in East Asia. The American-educated historian Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962) wrote an early influential history of Chinese philosophy, beginning with Laozi 老子 and Confucius, explicitly on the model of existing histories of Western philosophy. In it, Hu compared what he called the conservative aspect of the philosophy of Confucius to Socrates and Plato. Since at least that time, Confucius has been central to most histories of Chinese philosophy.

Biographical treatments of Confucius, beginning with the “Hereditary House of Confucius” ( Kongzi shijia 孔子世家), a chapter of Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 (c.145–c.86 BCE) Records of the Grand Historian ( Shiji 史記), were initially based on information from compilations of independently circulating dialogues and prose accounts. Tying particular elements of his philosophy to the life experiences of Confucius is a risky and potentially circular exercise, since many of the details of his biography were first recorded in instructive anecdotes linked to the expression of didactic messages. Nevertheless, since Sima Qian’s time, the biography of Confucius has been intimately linked with the interpretation of his philosophy, and so this section begins with a brief treatment of traditional tropes about his family background, official career, and teaching of 72 disciples, before turning to the dialogue and prose accounts upon which early biographers like Sima Qian drew.

Confucius was born in the domain of Zou, in modern Shandong Province, south of the larger kingdom of Lu. A date of 551 BCE is given for his birth in the Gongyang Commentary ( Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳) to the classic Spring and Autumn Annals ( Chunqiu 春秋), which places him in the period when the influence of the Zhou polity was declining, and regional domains were becoming independent states. His father, who came from Lu, was descended from a noble clan that included, in Sima Qian’s telling, several people known for their modesty and ritual mastery. His father died when Confucius was a small child, leaving the family poor but with some social status, and as a young man Confucius became known for expertise in the classical ritual and ceremonial forms of the Zhou. In adulthood, Confucius travelled to Lu and began a career as an official in the employ of aristocratic families.

Different sources identify Confucius as having held a large number of different offices in Lu. Entries in the Zuo Commentary ( Zuozhuan 左傳) to the Spring and Autumn Annals for 509 and 500 BCE identify him as Director of Corrections ( Sikou 司寇), and say he was charged with assisting the ruler with the rituals surrounding a visiting dignitary from the state of Qi, respectively. The Mencius ( Mengzi 孟子), a text centered on a figure generally regarded as the most important early developer of the thought of Confucius, Mencius (trad. 372–289 BCE), says Confucius was Foodstuffs Scribe ( Weili 委吏) and Scribe in the Field ( Chengtian 乘田), involved with managing the accounting at the granary and keeping the books on the pasturing of different animals (11.14). [ 1 ] In the first biography, Sima Qian mentions these offices, but then adds a second set of more powerful positions in Lu including Steward ( Zai 宰) managing an estate in the district of Zhongdu, Minister of Works ( Sikong 司空), and even acting Chancellor ( Xiang 相). Following his departure from Lu, different stories place Confucius in the kingdoms of Wei, Song, Chen, Cai, and Chu. Sima Qian crafted these stories into a serial narrative of rulers failing to appreciate the moral worth of Confucius, whose high standards forced him to continue to travel in search of an incorrupt ruler.

Late in life, Confucius left service and turned to teaching. In Sima Qian’s time, the sheer number of independently circulating texts centering on dialogues that Confucius had with his disciples led the biographer to include a separate chapter on “The arranged traditions of the disciples of Confucius” ( Zhongni dizi liezhuan 仲尼弟子列傳). His account identifies 77 direct disciples, whom Sima Qian says Confucius trained in ritual practice and the Classic of Odes ( Shijing 詩經), Classic of Documents ( Shujing 書經, also called Documents of the Predecessors or Shangshu 尚書), Records of Ritual ( Liji 禮記) and Classic of Music ( Yuejing 樂經). Altogether, some 3000 students received some form of this training regimen. Sima Qian’s editorial practice in systematizing dialogues was inclusive, and the fact that he was able to collect so much information some three centuries after the death of Confucius testifies to the latter’s importance in the Han period. Looked at in a different way, the prodigious numbers of direct disciples and students of Confucius, and the inconsistent accounts of the offices in which he served, may also be due to a proliferation of texts associating the increasingly authoritative figure of Confucius with divergent regional or interpretive traditions during those intervening centuries.

The many sources of quotations and dialogues of Confucius, both transmitted and recently excavated, provide a wealth of materials about the philosophy of Confucius, but an incomplete sense of which materials are authoritative. The last millennium has seen the development of a conventional view that materials preserved in the twenty chapters of the transmitted Analects most accurately represent Confucius’s original teachings. This derives in part from a second century CE account by Ban Gu 班固 (39–92 CE) of the composition of the Analects that describes the work as having been compiled by first and second generation disciples of Confucius and then transmitted privately for centuries, making it arguably the oldest stratum of extant Confucius sources. In the centuries since, some scholars have come up with variations on this basic account, such as Liu Baonan’s 劉寳楠 (1791–1855) view in Corrected Meanings of the Analects ( Lunyu zhengyi 論語正義) that each chapter was written by a different disciple. Recently, several centuries of doubts about internal inconsistencies in the text and a lack of references to the title in early sources were marshaled by classicist Zhu Weizheng 朱維錚 in an influential 1986 article which argued that the lack of attributed quotations from the Analects , and of explicit references to it, prior to the second century BCE, meant that its traditional status as the oldest stratum of the teachings of Confucius was undeserved. Since then a number of historians, including Michael J. Hunter, have systematically shown that writers started to demonstrate an acute interest in the Analects only in the late second and first centuries BCE, suggesting that other Confucius-related records from those centuries should also be considered as potentially authoritative sources. Some have suggested this critical approach to sources is an attack on the historicity of Confucius, but a more reasonable description is that it is an attack on the authoritativeness of the Analects that broadens and diversifies the sources that may be used to reconstruct the historical Confucius.

Expanding the corpus of Confucius quotations and dialogues beyond the Analects , then, requires attention to three additional types of sources. First, dialogues preserved in transmitted sources like the Records of Ritual, the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual ( DaDai Liji 大戴禮記), and Han collections like the Family Discussions of Confucius ( Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語) contain a large number of diverse teachings. Second, quotations attached to the interpretation of passages in the classics preserved in works like the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals , or Han’s Intertextual Commentary on the Odes ( Han Shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳) are particularly rich sources for readings of history and poetry. Finally, a number of recently archaeologically recovered texts from the Han period and before have also expanded the corpus.

Newly discovered sources include three recently excavated versions of texts with parallel to the transmitted Analects . These are the 1973 excavation at the Dingzhou site in Hebei Province dating to 55 BCE; the 1990’s excavation of a partial parallel version at Jongbaekdong in Pyongyang, North Korea, dating to between 62 and 45 BCE; and most recently the 2011-2015 excavation of the tomb of the Marquis of Haihun in Jiangxi Province dating to 59 BCE. The Haihun excavation is particularly important because it is thought to contain the two lost chapters of what Han period sources identify as a 22-chapter version of the Analects that circulated in the state of Qi, the titles of which appear to be “Understanding the Way” ( Zhi dao 智道) and “Questions about Jade” ( Wen yu 問玉). While the Haihun Analects has yet to be published, the content of the lost chapters overlaps with a handful of fragments dating to the late first century BCE that were found at the Jianshui Jinguan site in Jinta county in Gansu Province in 1973. All in all, these finds confirm the sudden wide circulation of the Analects in the middle of the first century BCE.

Previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations have also been unearthed. The Dingzhou site also yielded texts given the titles “Sayings of the Ru” ( Rujiazhe yan 儒家者言) and “Duke Ai asked about the five kinds of righteousness” ( Aigong wen wuyi 哀公問五義). A significantly different text also given the name “Sayings of the Ru” was found in 1977 in a Han tomb at Fuyang in Anhui Province. Several texts dating to 168 BCE recording statements by Confucius about the Classic of Changes ( Yijing 易經) were excavated from the Mawangdui site in Hunan Province in 1973. Additionally, a number of Warring States period dialogical texts centered on particular disciples, and a text with interpretative comments by Confucius on the Classic of Poetry given the name “Confucius discusses the Odes ” ( Kongzi shilun 孔子詩論), were looted from tombs in the 1990s, sold on the black market, and made their way to the Shanghai Museum. Finally, the 59 BCE tomb of the Marquis of Haihun also contains a number of previously unknown Confucius dialogues and quotations on ritual and filial piety, along with materials that overlap with sections of transmitted texts including the Analects , Records of Ritual and the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual .

Some excavated texts, like the pre-Han period “Thicket of Sayings” ( Yucong 語叢) apothegms excavated at the Guodian site in Hubei Province in 1993, contain fragments of the Analects in circulation without attribution to Confucius. Transmitted materials also show some of the quotations attributed to Confucius in the Analects in the mouths of other historical figures. The fluidity and diversity of Confucius-related materials in circulation prior to the fixing of the Analects text in the second century BCE, suggest that the Analects itself, with its keen interest in ritual, personal ethics, and politics, may well have been in part a topical selection from a larger and more diverse set of available Confucius-related materials. In other words, there were already multiple topical foci prior to any horizon by which we can definitively deem any single focus to be authoritative. It is for this reason that the essential core of the teachings of Confucius is historically underdetermined, and the correct identification of the core teachings is still avidly debated. The following sections treat three key aspects of the philosophy of Confucius, each different but all interrelated, found throughout many of these diverse sets of sources: a theory of how ritual and musical performance functioned to promote unselfishness and train emotions, advice on how to inculcate a set of personal virtues to prepare people to behave morally in different domains of their lives, and a social and political philosophy that abstracted classical ideals of proper conduct in family and official contexts to apply to more general contexts.

The Records of Ritual , the Analects , and numerous Han collections portray Confucius as being deeply concerned with the proper performance of ritual and music. In such works, the description of the attitudes and affect of the performer became the foundation of a ritual psychology in which proper performance was key to reforming desires and beginning to develop moral dispositions. Confucius sought to preserve the Zhou ritual system, and theorized about how ritual and music inculcated social roles, limited desires and transformed character.

Many biographies begin their description of his life with a story of Confucius at an early age performing rituals, reflecting accounts and statements that demonstrate his prodigious mastery of ritual and music. The archaeological record shows that one legacy of the Zhou period into which Confucius was born was a system of sumptuary regulations that encoded social status. Another of these legacies was ancestral sacrifice, a means to demonstrate people’s reverence for their ancestors while also providing a way to ask the spirits to assist them or to guarantee them protection from harm. The Analects describes the ritual mastery of Confucius in receiving guests at a noble’s home (10.3), and in carrying out sacrifices (10.8, 15.1). He plays the stone chimes (14.39), distinguishes between proper and improper music (15.11, 17.18), and extols and explains the Classic of Odes to his disciples (1.15, 2.2, 8.3, 16.13, 17.9). This mastery of classical ritual and musical forms is an important reason Confucius said he “followed Zhou” (3.14). While he might alter a detail of a ritual out of frugality (9.3), Confucius insists on adherence to the letter of the rites, as when his disciple Zi Gong 子貢 sought to substitute another animal for a sheep in a seasonal sacrifice, saying “though you care about the sheep, I care about the ritual” (3.17). It was in large part this adherence to Zhou period cultural forms, or to what Confucius reconstructed them to be, that has led many in the modern period to label him a traditionalist.

Where Confucius clearly innovated was in his rationale for performing the rites and music. Historian Yan Buke 閻步克 has argued that the early Confucian ( Ru ) tradition began from the office of the “Music master” ( Yueshi 樂師) described in the Ritual of Zhou ( Zhou Li 周禮). Yan’s view is that since these officials were responsible for teaching the rites, music, and the Classic of Odes , it was their combined expertise that developed into the particular vocation that shaped the outlook of Confucius. Early discussions of ritual in the Zhou classics often explained ritual in terms of a do ut des view of making offerings to receive benefits. By contrast, early discussions between Confucius and his disciples described benefits of ritual performance that went beyond the propitiation of spirits, rewards from the ancestors, or the maintenance of the social or cosmic order. Instead of emphasizing goods that were external to the performer, these works stressed the value of the associated interior psychological states of the practitioner. In Analects 3.26, Confucius condemns the performance of ritual without reverence ( jing 敬). He also condemns views of ritual that focus only on the offerings, or views of music that focus only on the instruments (17.11). Passages from the Records of Ritual explain that Confucius would rather have an excess of reverence than an excess of ritual (“ Tangong, shang ” 檀弓上), and that reverence is the most important aspect of mourning rites (“ Zaji, xia ” 雜記下). This emphasis on the importance of an attitude of reverence became the salient distinction between performing ritual in a rote manner, and performing it in the proper affective state. Another passage from the Records of Ritual says the difference between how an ideal gentleman and a lesser person cares for a parent is that the gentleman is reverent when he does it (“ Fangji ” 坊記, cf. Analects 2.7). In contexts concerning both ritual and filial piety ( xiao 孝), the affective state behind the action is arguably more important than the action’s consequences. As Philip J. Ivanhoe has written, ritual and music are not just an indicator of values in the sense that these examples show, but also an inculcator of them.

In this ritual psychology, the performance of ritual and music restricts desires because it alters the performer’s affective states, and place limits on appetitive desires. The Records of Ritual illustrates desirable affective states, describing how the Zhou founder King Wen 文 was moved to joy when making offerings to his deceased parents, but then to grief once the ritual ended (“ Jiyi ” 祭義). A collection associated with the third century BCE philosopher Xunzi 荀子 contains a Confucius quotation that associates different parts of a ruler’s day with particular emotions. Entering the ancestral temple to make offerings and maintain a connection to those who are no longer living leads the ruler to reflect on sorrow, while wearing a cap to hear legal cases leads him to reflect on worry (“ Aigong ” 哀公). These are examples of the way that ritual fosters the development of particular emotional responses, part of a sophisticated understanding of affective states and the ways that performance channels them in particular directions. More generally, the social conventions implicit in ritual hierarchies restrict people’s latitude to pursue their desires, as the master explains in the Records of Ritual:

The way of the gentleman may be compared to an embankment dam, bolstering those areas where ordinary people are deficient (“ Fangji ”).

Blocking the overflow of desires by adhering to these social norms preserves psychological space to reflect and reform one’s reactions.

Descriptions of the early community depict Confucius creating a subculture in which ritual provided an alternate source of value, effectively training his disciples to opt out of conventional modes of exchange. In the Analects , when Confucius says he would instruct any person who presented him with “a bundle of dried meat” (7.7), he is highlighting how his standards of value derive from the sacrificial system, eschewing currency or luxury items. Gifts valuable in ordinary situations might be worth little by such standards: “Even if a friend gave him a gift of a carriage and horses, if it was not dried meat, he did not bow” (10.15). The Han period biographical materials in Records of the Historian describe how a high official of the state of Lu did not come to court for three days after the state of Qi made him a gift of female entertainers. When, additionally, the high official failed to properly offer gifts of sacrificial meats, Confucius departed Lu for the state of Wei (47, cf. Analects 18.4). Confucius repeatedly rejected conventional values of wealth and position, choosing instead to rely on ritual standards of value. In some ways, these stories are similar to ones in the late Warring States and Han period compilation Master Zhuang ( Zhuangzi 莊子) that explore the way that things that are conventionally belittled for their lack of utility are useful by an unconventional standard. However, here the standard that gives such objects currency is ritual importance rather than longevity, divorcing Confucius from conventional materialistic or hedonistic pursuits. This is a second way that ritual allows one to direct more effort into character formation.

Once, when speaking of cultivating benevolence, Confucius explained how ritual value was connected to the ideal way of the gentleman, which should always take precedence over the pursuit of conventional values:

Wealth and high social status are what others covet. If I cannot prosper by following the way, I will not dwell in them. Poverty and low social status are what others shun. If I cannot prosper by following the way, I will not avoid them. (4.5)

The argument that ritual performance has internal benefits underlies the ritual psychology laid out by Confucius, one that explains how performing ritual and music controls desires and sets the stage for further moral development.

Many of the short passages from the Analects , and the “Thicket of Sayings” passages excavated at Guodian, describe the development of set of ideal behaviors associated with the moral ideal of the “way” ( dao 道) of the “gentleman” ( junzi 君子). Based on the analogy between the way of Confucius and character ethics systems deriving from Aristotle, these patterns of behavior are today often described using the Latinate term “virtue”. In the second passage in the Analects , the disciple You Ruo 有若 says a person who behaves with filial piety to parents and siblings ( xiao and di 弟), and who avoids going against superiors, will rarely disorder society. It relates this correlation to a more general picture of how patterns of good behavior effectively open up the possibility of following the way of the gentleman: “The gentleman works at the roots. Once the roots are established, the way comes to life” (1.2). The way of the gentleman is a distillation of the exemplary behaviors of the selfless culture heroes of the past, and is available to all who are willing to “work at the roots”. In this way, the virtues that Confucius taught were not original to him, but represented his adaptations of existing cultural ideals, to which he continually returned in order to clarify their proper expressions in different situations. Five behaviors of the gentleman most central to the Analects are benevolence ( ren 仁), righteousness ( yi 義), ritual propriety ( li 禮), wisdom ( zhi 智), and trustworthiness ( xin 信).

The virtue of benevolence entails interacting with others guided by a sense of what is good from their perspectives. Sometimes the Analects defines benevolence generally as “caring for others” (12.22), but in certain contexts it is associated with more specific behaviors. Examples of contextual definitions of benevolence include treating people on the street as important guests and common people as if they were attendants at a sacrifice (12.2), being reticent in speaking (12.3) and rejecting the use of clever speech (1.3), and being respectful where one dwells, reverent where one works, and loyal where one deals with others (13.19). It is the broadest of the virtues, yet a gentleman would rather die than compromise it (15.9). Benevolence entails a kind of unselfishness, or, as David Hall and Roger Ames suggest, it involves forming moral judgments from a combined perspective of self and others.

Later writers developed accounts of the sources of benevolent behavior, most famously in the context of the discussion of human nature ( xing 性) in the centuries after Confucius. Mencius (fourth century BCE) argued that benevolence grows out of the cultivation of an affective disposition to compassion ( ceyin 惻隱) in the face of another’s distress. The anonymous author of the late Warring States period excavated text “Five Kinds of Action” ( Wu xing 五行) describes it as building from the affection one feels for close family members, through successive stages to finally develop into a more universal, fully-fledged virtue. In the Analects , however, one comment on human nature emphasizes the importance of nurture: “By nature people are close, by habituation they are miles apart” (17.2), a sentiment that suggests the importance of training one’s dispositions through ritual and the classics in a manner closer to the program of Xunzi (third century BCE). The Analects , however, discusses the incubation of benevolent behavior in family and ritual contexts. You Ruo winds up his discussion of the roots of the way of the gentleman with the rhetorical question: “Is not behaving with filial piety to one’s parents and siblings the root of benevolence?” (1.2). Confucius tells his disciple Yan Yuan 顏淵 that benevolence is a matter of “overcoming oneself and returning to ritual propriety” (12.1). These connections between benevolence and other virtues underscore the way in which benevolent behavior does not entail creating novel social forms or relationships, but is grounded in traditional familial and ritual networks.

The second virtue, righteousness, is often described in the Analects relative to situations involving public responsibility. In contexts where standards of fairness and integrity are valuable, such as acting as the steward of an estate as some of the disciples of Confucius did, righteousness is what keeps a person uncorrupted. Confucius wrote that a gentleman “thinks of righteousness when faced with gain” (16.10, 19.10), or “when faced with profit” (14.12). Confucius says that one should ignore the wealth and rank one might attain by acting against righteousness, even if it means eating coarse rice, drinking water, and sleeping using one’s bent arm as a pillow (7.16). Later writers like Xunzi celebrated Confucius for his righteousness in office, which he stressed was all the more impressive because Confucius was extremely poor (“ Wangba ” 王霸). This behavior is particularly relevant in official interactions with ordinary people, such as when “employing common people” (5.16), and if a social superior has mastered it, “the common people will all comply” (13.4). Like benevolence, righteousness also entails unselfishness, but instead of coming out of consideration for the needs of others, it is rooted in steadfastness in the face of temptation.

The perspective needed to act in a righteous way is sometimes related to an attitude to personal profit that recalls the previous section’s discussion of how Confucius taught his disciples to recalibrate their sense of value based on their immersion in the sacrificial system. More specifically, evaluating things based on their ritual significance can put one at odds with conventional hierarchies of value. This is defined as the root of righteous behavior in a story from the late Warring States period text Master Fei of Han ( Han Feizi 韓非子). The tale relates how at court, Confucius was given a plate with a peach and a pile of millet grains with which to scrub the fruit clean. After the attendants laughed at Confucius for proceeding to eat the millet first, Confucius explained to them that in sacrifices to the Former Kings, millet itself is the most valued offering. Therefore, cleaning a ritually base peach with millet:

would be obstructing righteousness, and so I dared not put [the peach] above what fills the vessels in the ancestral shrine. (“ Waichu shuo, zuo shang ” 外儲說左上)

While such stories may have been told to mock his fastidiousness, for Confucius the essence of righteousness was internalizing a system of value that he would breach for neither convenience nor profit.

At times, the phrase “benevolence and righteousness” is used metonymically for all the virtues, but in some later texts, a benevolent impulse to compassion and a righteous steadfastness are seen as potentially contradictory. In the Analects , portrayals of Confucius do not recognize a tension between benevolence and righteousness, perhaps because each is usually described as salient in a different set of contexts. In ritual contexts like courts or shrines, one ideally acts like one might act out of familial affection in a personal context, the paradigm that is key to benevolence. In the performance of official duties, one ideally acts out of the responsibilities felt to inferiors and superiors, with a resistance to temptation by corrupt gain that is key to righteousness. The Records of Ritual distinguishes between the domains of these two virtues:

In regulating one’s household, kindness overrules righteousness. Outside of one’s house, righteousness cuts off kindness. What one undertakes in serving one’s father, one also does in serving one’s lord, because one’s reverence for both is the same. Treating nobility in a noble way and the honorable in an honorable way, is the height of righteousness. (“ Sangfu sizhi ” 喪服四制)

While it is not the case that righteousness is benevolence by other means, this passage underlines how in different contexts, different virtues may push people toward participation in particular shared cultural practices constitutive of the good life.

While the virtues of benevolence and righteousness might impel a gentleman to adhere to ritual norms in particular situations or areas of life, a third virtue of “ritual propriety” expresses a sensitivity to one’s social place, and willingness to play all of one’s multiple ritual roles. The term li translated here as “ritual propriety” has a particularly wide range of connotations, and additionally connotes both the conventions of ritual and etiquette. In the Analects, Confucius is depicted both teaching and conducting the rites in the manner that he believed they were conducted in antiquity. Detailed restrictions such as “the gentleman avoids wearing garments with red-black trim” (10.6), which the poet Ezra Pound disparaged as “verses re: length of the night-gown and the predilection for ginger” (Pound 1951: 191), were by no means trivial to Confucius. His imperative, “Do not look or listen, speak or move, unless it is in accordance with the rites” (12.1), in answer to a question about benevolence, illustrates how the symbolic conventions of the ritual system played a role in the cultivation of the virtues. We have seen how ritual shapes values by restricting desires, thereby allowing reflection and the cultivation of moral dispositions. Yet without the proper affective state, a person is not properly performing ritual. In the Analects , Confucius says he cannot tolerate “ritual without reverence, or mourning without grief,” (3.26). When asked about the root of ritual propriety, he says that in funerals, the mourners’ distress is more important than the formalities (3.4). Knowing the details of ritual protocols is important, but is not a substitute for sincere affect in performing them. Together, they are necessary conditions for the gentleman’s training, and are also essential to understanding the social context in which Confucius taught his disciples.

The mastery that “ritual propriety” signaled was part of a curriculum associated with the training of rulers and officials, and proper ritual performance at court could also serve as a kind of political legitimation. Confucius summarized the different prongs of the education in ritual and music involved in the training of his followers:

Raise yourself up with the Classic of Odes . Establish yourself with ritual. Complete yourself with music. (8.8)

On one occasion, Boyu 伯魚, the son of Confucius, explained that when he asked his father to teach him, his father told him to study the Classic of Odes in order to have a means to speak with others, and to study ritual to establish himself (16.13). That Confucius insists that his son master classical literature and practices underscores the values of these cultural products as a means of transmitting the way from one generation to the next. He tells his disciples that the study of the Classic of Odes prepares them for different aspects of life, providing them with a capacity to:

at home serve one’s father, away from it serve one’s lord, as well as increase one's knowledge of the names of birds, animals, plants and trees. (17.9)

This valuation of knowledge of both the cultural and natural worlds is one reason why the figure of Confucius has traditionally been identified with schooling, and why today his birthday is celebrated as “Teacher’s Day” in some parts of Asia. In the ancient world, this kind of education also qualified Confucius and his disciples for employment on estates and at courts.

The fourth virtue, wisdom, is related to appraising people and situations. In the Analects, wisdom allows a gentleman to discern crooked and straight behavior in others (12.22), and discriminate between those who may be reformed and those who may not (15.8). In the former dialogue, Confucius explains the virtue of wisdom as “knowing others”. The “Thicket of Sayings” excavated at Guodian indicates that this knowledge is the basis for properly “selecting” others, defining wisdom as the virtue that is the basis for selection. But it is also about appraising situations correctly, as suggested by the master’s rhetorical question: “How can a person be considered wise if that person does not dwell in benevolence?” (4.1). One well-known passage often cited to imply Confucius is agnostic about the world of the spirits is more literally about how wisdom allows an outsider to present himself in a way appropriate to the people on whose behalf he is working:

When working for what is right for the common people, to show reverence for the ghosts and spirits while maintaining one’s distance may be deemed wisdom. (6.22)

The context for this sort of appraisal is usually official service, and wisdom is often attributed to valued ministers or advisors to sage rulers.

In certain dialogues, wisdom also connotes a moral discernment that allows the gentleman to be confident of the appropriateness of good actions. In the Analects , Confucius tells his disciple Zi Lu 子路 that wisdom recognizes knowing a thing as knowing it, and ignorance of a thing as ignorance of it (2.17). In soliloquies about several virtues, Confucius describes a wise person as never confused (9.28, 14.28). While comparative philosophers have noted that Chinese thought has nothing clearly analogous to the role of the will in pre-modern European philosophy, the moral discernment that is part of wisdom does provide actors with confidence that the moral actions they have taken are correct.

The virtue of trustworthiness qualifies a gentleman to give advice to a ruler, and a ruler or official to manage others. In the Analects , Confucius explains it succinctly: “if one is trustworthy, others will give one responsibilities” (17.6, cf. 20.1). While trustworthiness may be rooted in the proper expression of friendship between those of the same status (1.4, 5.26), it is also valuable in interactions with those of different status. The disciple Zi Xia 子夏 explains its effect on superiors and subordinates: when advising a ruler, without trustworthiness, the ruler will think a gentleman is engaged in slander, and when administering a state, without trustworthiness, people will think a gentleman is exploiting them (19.10). The implication is that a sincerely public-minded official would be ineffective without the trust that this quality inspires. In a dialogue with a ruler from chapter four of Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes , Confucius explains that in employing someone, trustworthiness is superior to strength, ability to flatter, or eloquence. Being able to rely on someone is so important to Confucius that, when asked about good government, he explained that trustworthiness was superior to either food or weapons, concluding: “If the people do not find the ruler trustworthy, the state will not stand” (12.7).

By the Han period, benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, wisdom and trustworthiness began to be considered as a complete set of human virtues, corresponding with other quintets of phenomena used to describe the natural world. Some texts described a level of moral perfection, as with the sages of antiquity, as unifying all these virtues. Prior to this, it is unclear whether the possession of a particular virtue entailed having all the others, although benevolence was sometimes used as a more general term for a combination of one or more of the other virtues (e.g., Analects 17.6). At other times, Confucius presented individual virtues as expressions of goodness in particular domains of life. Early Confucius dialogues are embedded in concrete situations, and so resist attempts to distill them into more abstract principles of morality. As a result, descriptions of the virtues are embedded in anecdotes about the exemplary individuals whose character traits the dialogues encourage their audience to develop. Confucius taught that the measure of a good action was whether it was an expression of the actor’s virtue, something his lessons share with those of philosophies like Aristotle’s that are generally described as “virtue ethics”. A modern evaluation of the teachings of Confucius as a “virtue ethics” is articulated in Bryan W. Van Norden’s Virtue Ethics and Consequentialism in Early Chinese Philosophy , which pays particular attention to analogies between the way of Confucius and Aristotle’s “good life”. The nature of the available source materials about Confucius, however, means that the diverse texts from early China lack the systematization of a work like Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics .

The five virtues described above are not the only ones of which Confucius spoke. He discussed loyalty ( zhong 忠), which at one point is described as the minister’s behavior toward a ritually proper ruler (3.19). He said that courage ( yong 勇) is what compels one to act once one has seen where righteousness lies (2.24). Another term sometimes translated as “virtue” ( de 德), is usually used to describe the authority of a ruler that grows out of goodness or favor to others, and is a key term in many of the social and political works discussed in the following section. Yet going through a list of all the virtues in the early sources is not sufficient to describe the entirety of the moral universe associated with Confucius.

The presence of themes in the Analects like the ruler’s exceptional influence as a moral exemplar, the importance of judging people by their deeds rather than their words (1.3, 2.10, 5.10), or even the protection of the culture of Zhou by higher powers (9.5), all highlight the unsystematic nature of the text and underscore that teaching others how to cultivate the virtues is a key aspect, but only a part, of the ethical ideal of Confucius. Yet there is also a conundrum inherent in any attempt to derive abstract moral rules from the mostly dialogical form of the Analects , that is, the problem of whether the situational context and conversation partner is integral to evaluating the statements of Confucius. A historically notable example of an attempt to find a generalized moral rule in the Analects is the reading of a pair of passages that use a formulation similar to that of the “Golden Rule” of the Christian Bible (Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31) to describe benevolence: “Do not impose upon others those things that you yourself do not desire” (12.2, cf. 5.12, 15.24). Read as axiomatic moral imperatives, these passages differ from the kind of exemplar-based and situational conversations about morality usually found in the Analects . For this reason, some scholars, including E. Bruce Brooks, believe these passages to be interpolations. While they are not wholly inconsistent with the way that benevolence is described in early texts, their interpretation as abstract principles has been influenced by their perceived similarity to the Biblical examples. In the Records of Ritual , a slightly different formulation of a rule about self and others is presented as not universal in its scope, but rather as descriptive of how the exemplary ruler influences the people. In common with other early texts, the Analects describes how the moral transformation of society relies on the positive example of the ruler, comparing the influence of the gentleman on the people to the way the wind blows on the grass, forcing it to bend (12.19). In a similar vein, after discussing how the personal qualities of rulers of the past determined whether or not their subjects could morally transform, the Records of Ritual expresses its principle of reflexivity:

That is why the gentleman only seeks things in others that he or she personally possesses. [The gentleman] only condemns things in others that he or she personally lacks. (“ Daxue ” 大學)

This is a point about the efficacy of moral suasion, saying that a ruler cannot expect to reform society solely by command since it is only the ruler’s personal example that can transform others. For this reason, the ruler should not compel behaviors from his subjects to which he or she would not personally assent, something rather different from the “Golden Rule”. Historically, however, views that Confucius was inspired by the same Natural Theology as Christians, or that philosophers are naturally concerned with the generalization of moral imperatives, have argued in favor of a closer identification with the “Golden Rule,” a fact that illustrates the interpretative conundrum arising from the formal aspects of the Analects .

Early Zhou political philosophy as represented in the Classic of Odes and the Classic of Documents centered on moral justification for political authority based on the doctrine of the “Mandate of Heaven” ( tianming 天命). This view was that the sage’s virtue ( de ) attracted the attention of the anthropomorphized cosmic power usually translated as “Heaven” ( tian 天), which supported the sage’s rise to political authority. These canonical texts argued that political success or failure is a function of moral quality, evidenced by actions such as proper ritual performance, on the part of the ruler. Confucius drew on these classics and adapted the classical view of moral authority in important ways, connecting it to a normative picture of society. Positing a parallel between the nature of reciprocal responsibilities of individuals in different roles in two domains of social organization, in the Analects Confucius linked filial piety in the family to loyalty in the political realm:

It is rare for a person who is filially pious to his parents and older siblings to be inclined to rebel against his superiors… Filial piety to parents and elder siblings may be considered the root of a person. (1.2)

This section examines Confucius’s social and political philosophy, beginning with the central role of his analysis of the traditional norm of filial piety.

Just as Confucius analyzed the psychology of ritual performance and related it to individual moral development, his discussion of filial piety was another example of the development and adaptation of a particular classical cultural pattern to a wider philosophical context and set of concerns. Originally limited to descriptions of sacrifice to ancestors in the context of hereditary kinship groups, a more extended meaning of “filial piety” was used to describe the sage king Shun’s 舜 (trad. r. 2256–2205 BCE) treatment of his living father in the Classic of Documents . Despite humble origins, Shun’s filial piety was recognized as a quality that signaled he would be a suitable successor for the sage king Yao 堯 (trad. r. 2357–2256 BCE). Confucius in the Analects praised the ancient sage kings at great length, and the sage king Yu 禹 for his filial piety in the context of sacrifice (8.21). However, he used the term filial piety to mean both sacrificial mastery and behaving appropriately to one’s parents. In a conversation with one of his disciples he explains that filial piety meant “not contesting”, and that it entailed:

while one’s parents were alive, serving them in a ritually proper way, and after one’s parents died, burying them and sacrificing to them in a ritually proper way. (2.5)

In rationalizing the moral content of legacies of the past like the three-year mourning period after the death of a parent, Confucius reasoned that for three years a filially pious child should not alter a parent’s way (4.20, cf. 19.18), and explains the origin of length of the three-year mourning period to be the length of time that the parents had given their infant child support (17.21). This adaptation of filial piety to connote the proper way for a gentleman to behave both inside and outside the home was a generalization of a pattern of behavior that had once been specific to the family.

Intellectual historian Chen Lai 陈来 has identified two sets of ideal traits that became hybridized in the late Warring States period. The first set of qualities describes the virtue of the ruler coming out of politically-oriented descriptions of figures like King Wen of Zhou, including uprightness ( zhi 直) and fortitude ( gang 剛). The second set of qualities is based on bonds specific to kinship groups, including filial piety and kindness ( ci 慈). As kinship groups were subordinated to larger political units, texts began to exhibit hybrid lists of ideal qualities that drew from both sets. Consequently, Confucius had to effectively integrate clan priorities and state priorities, a conciliation illustrated in Han’s Intertextual Commentary the Odes by his insistence that filial piety is not simply deference to elders. When his disciple Zengzi 曾子 submitted to a severe beating from his father’s staff in punishment for an offense, Confucius chastises Zengzi, saying that even the sage king Shun would not have submitted to a beating so severe. He goes on to explain that a child has a dual set of duties, to both a father and ruler, the former filial piety and the other loyalty. Therefore, protecting one’s body is a duty to the ruler and a counterweight to a duty to submit to one’s parent (8). In the Classic of Filial Piety ( Xiaojing 孝經), similar reasoning is applied to a redefinition of filial piety that rejects behaviors like such extreme submission because protecting one’s body is a duty to one’s parents. This sort of qualification suggests that as filial piety moved further outside its original family context, it had to be qualified to be integrated into a view that valorized multiple character traits.

Since filial piety was based on a fundamental relationship defined within the family, one’s family role and state role could conflict. A Classic of Documents text spells out the possible conflict between loyalty to a ruler and filial piety toward a father (“ Cai Zhong zhi ming ” 蔡仲之命), a trade-off similar to a story in the Analects about a man named Zhi Gong 直躬 (Upright Gong) who testified that his father stole a sheep. Although Confucius acknowledged that theft injures social order, he judged Upright Gong to have failed to be truly “upright” in a sense that balances the imperative to testify with special consideration for members of his kinship group:

In my circle, being upright differs from this. A father would conceal such a thing on behalf of his son, and a son would conceal it on behalf of his father. Uprightness is found in this. (13.18)

In this way, too, Confucius was adapting filial piety to a wider manifold of moral behaviors, honing his answer to the question of how a child balances responsibility to family and loyalty to the state. While these two traits may conflict with one and other, Sociologist Robert Bellah, in his study of Tokugawa and modern Japan, noted how the structural similarity between loyalty and filial piety led to their both being promoted by the state as interlinked ideals that located each person in dual networks of responsibility. Confucius was making this claim when he connected filial piety to the propensity to be loyal to superiors (1.2). Statements like “filial piety is the root of virtuous action” from the Classic of Filial Piety connect loyalty and the kind of action that signals the personal virtue that justifies political authority, as in the historical precedent of the sage king Shun.

Of the classical sources from which Confucius drew, two were particularly influential in discussions of political legitimation. The Classic of Odes consists of 305 Zhou period regulated lyrics (hence the several translations “songs”, “odes”, or “poems”) and became numbered as one of the Five Classics ( Wujing ) in the Han dynasty. Critical to a number of these lyrics is the celebration of King Wen of Zhou’s overthrow of the Shang, which is an example of a virtuous person seizing the “Mandate of Heaven”:

This King Wen of ours, his prudent heart was well-ordered. He shone in serving the High God, and thus enjoyed much good fortune. Unswerving in his virtue, he came to hold the domains all around. (“ Daming ” 大明)

The Zhou political theory expressed in this passage is based on the idea of a limited moral universe that may not reward a virtuous person in isolation, but in which the High God ( Shangdi 上帝, Di 帝) or Heaven will intercede to replace a bad ruler with a person of exceptional virtue. The Classic of Documents is a collection that includes orations attributed to the sage rulers of the past and their ministers, and its arguments often concern moral authority with a focus on the methods and character of exemplary rulers of the past. The chapter “Announcement of Kang” (“ Kanggao ” 康誥) is addressed to one of the sons of King Wen, and provides him with a guide for behaving as sage ruler as well as with methods that had been empirically proven successful by those rulers. When it comes to the mandate inherited from King Wen, the chapter insists that the mandate is not unchanging, and so as ruler the son must always be mindful of it when deciding how to act. Further, it is not always possible to understand Heaven, but the “feelings of the people are visible”, and so the ruler must care for his subjects. The Zhou political view that Confucius inherited was based on supernatural intercession to place a person with personal virtue in charge of the state, but over time the emphasis shifted to the way that the effects of good government could be viewed as proof of a continuing moral justification for that placement.

Confucius himself arguably served as a historical counterexample to the classical “Mandate of Heaven” theory, calling into question the direct nature of the support given by Heaven to the person with virtue. The Han period Records of the Historian biography of Confucius described him as possessing all the personal qualities needed to govern well, but wandering from state to state because those qualities had not been recognized. When his favorite disciple died, the Analects records Confucius saying that “Heaven has forsaken me!” (11.9). Wang Chong’s 王充 (27–c.97 CE) Balanced Discussions ( Lunheng 論衡) uses the phrase “uncrowned king” ( suwang 素王) to describe the tragic situation: “Confucius did not rule as king, but his work as uncrowned king may be seen in the Spring and Autumn Annals ” (80). The view that through his writings Confucius could prepare the world for the government of a future sage king became a central part of Confucius lore that has colored the reception of his writings since, especially in works related to the Spring and Autumn Annals and its Gongyang Commentary . The biography of Confucius reinforced the tragic cosmological picture that personal virtue did not always guarantee success. Even when Heaven’s support is cited in the Analects , it is not a matter of direct intercession, but expressed through personal virtue or cultural patterns: “Heaven gave birth to the virtue in me, so what can Huan Tui 桓魋 do to me?” (7.23, cf. 9.5). As Robert Eno has pointed out, the concept of Heaven also came to be increasingly naturalized in passages like “what need does Heaven have to speak?” (17.19). Changing views of the scope of Heaven’s activity and the ways human beings may have knowledge of that activity fostered a change in the role of Heaven in political theory.

Most often, in dialogues with the rulers of his time, references to Heaven were occasions for Confucius to encourage rulers to remain attentive to their personal moral development and treat their subjects fairly. In integrating the classical legacy of the “Mandate of Heaven” that applied specifically to the ruler or “Son of Heaven” ( tianzi 天子), with moral teachings that were directed to a wider audience, the nature of Heaven’s intercession came to be understood differently. In the Analects and writings like those attributed to Mencius, descriptions of virtue were often adapted to contexts such as the conduct of lesser officials and the navigation of everyday life. Kwong-Loi Shun notes that in such contexts, the influence of Heaven remained as an explanation of both what happened outside of human control, like political success or lifespan, and of the source of the ethical ideal. In the Analects , the gentleman’s awe of Heaven is combined with an awe of the words of the sages (16.8), and when Confucius explains the Zhou theory of the “mandate of Heaven” in the Elder Dai’s Records of Ritual, he does so in order to explain how the signs of a well-ordered society demonstrate that the ruler’s “virtue matches Heaven” (“ Shaojian ” 少閒). Heaven is still ubiquitous in the responses of Confucius to questions from rulers, but the focus of the responses was not on Heaven’s direct intercession but rather the ruler’s demonstration of his personal moral qualities.

In this way, personal qualities of modesty, filial piety or respect for the elders were seen as proof of fitness to serve in an official capacity. Qualification to rule was demonstrated by proper behavior in the social roles defined by the “five relationships” ( wulun 五倫), a formulation seen in the writings of Mencius that became a key feature of the interpretation of works associated with Confucius in the Han dynasty. The Western Han emperors were members of the Liu clan, and works like the Guliang Commentary ( Guliang zhuan 穀梁傳) to the Spring and Autumn Annals emphasized normative family behavior grounded in the five relationships, which were (here, adapted to include mothers and sisters): ruler and subject, parent and child, husband and wife, siblings, and friends. Writing with particular reference to the Classic of Filial Piety , Henry Rosemont and Roger Ames argue that prescribed social roles are a defining characteristic of the “Confucian tradition”, and that such roles were normative guides to appropriate conduct. They contrast this with the “virtue ethics” approach they say requires rational calculation to determine moral conduct, while filial piety is simply a matter of meeting one’s family obligations. Just as the five virtues were placed at the center of later theories of moral development, once social roles became systematized in this way, selected situational teachings of Confucius consistent with them could become the basis of more abstract, systematic moral theories. Yet this could not have happened without the adaptation of the abstract classical political theory of “Heaven’s mandate”, a doctrine that originally supported the ruling clan, to argue that Heaven’s influence was expressed through particular concrete expressions of individual virtue. As a result of this adaptation in writings associated with Confucius, the ruler’s conduct of imperial rituals, performance of filial piety, or other demonstrations of personal virtue provided proof of moral fitness that legitimated his political authority. As with the rituals and the virtues, filial piety and the mandate of Heaven were transformed as they were integrated with the classics through the voices of Confucius and the rulers and disciples of his era.

Earlier, the usage of “Confucius” as a metonym for Chinese traditional culture was introduced as a feature of the modern period. Yet the complexity of the philosophical views associated with Confucius—encompassing ethical ideals developed out of a sophisticated view of the effects of ritual and music on the performer’s psychology, robust descriptions of the attitudes of traditional exemplars across diverse life contexts, and the abstraction of normative behaviors in the family and state—is due in part to the fact that this metonymic usage was to some degree already the case in the Han period. By that time, the teachings of Confucius had gone through several centuries of gestation, and dialogues and quotations fashioned at different points over that time circulated and mixed. Put slightly differently, Confucius read the traditional culture of the halcyon Zhou period in a particular way, but this reading was continuously reflected and refracted through different lenses during the Pre-Imperial period, prior to the results being fixed in diverse early Imperial period sources like the Analects , the Records of Ritual , and the Records of the Historian. What remains is the work of the hand of Confucius, but also of his “school”, and even sometimes of his opponents during the centuries that his philosophy underwent elaboration and drift. This process of accretion and elaboration is not uncommon for pre-modern writings, and the resulting breadth and depth explains, at least in part, why the voice of Confucius retained primacy in pre-modern Chinese philosophical conversations as well as in many modern debates about the role of traditional East Asian culture.

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How to cite this entry . Preview the PDF version of this entry at the Friends of the SEP Society . Look up topics and thinkers related to this entry at the Internet Philosophy Ontology Project (InPhO). Enhanced bibliography for this entry at PhilPapers , with links to its database.

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Culture History

Confucius (551-479 BCE) was a Chinese philosopher and teacher whose ideas have greatly influenced Chinese culture. He emphasized ethics, morality, and social harmony, forming the basis of Confucianism, a key philosophy in Chinese history. His teachings cover various aspects of life, emphasizing the importance of relationships, filial piety, and virtuous conduct.

Confucius, born Kong Qiu in 551 BCE in the state of Lu (modern-day Shandong province, China), experienced a childhood marked by modest circumstances and familial challenges. His early life laid the foundation for the development of the profound philosophical and ethical principles that would later define Confucianism.

Coming from a family of declining nobility, Confucius’ father, Shuliang He, died when Confucius was only three years old. The family’s financial situation became strained, and Confucius grew up in relative poverty. Despite these challenges, his mother, Yan Zhengzai, played a crucial role in his upbringing, instilling in him values that would shape his future.

Confucius’ commitment to learning became evident at an early age. He displayed a voracious appetite for knowledge and a deep curiosity about the world around him. As a teenager, he immersed himself in the study of classical Chinese literature, poetry, history, and ritual practices, laying the groundwork for his later scholarly pursuits.

In his youth, Confucius faced the challenges of social unrest and political turmoil during the Warring States period. The tumultuous environment fueled his desire to seek solutions to the ethical and political dilemmas facing society. Confucius aspired to contribute to the betterment of the world and sought to achieve this through the promotion of moral values and virtuous conduct.

Confucius’ early years were marked by a commitment to self-cultivation and personal development. Recognizing the importance of education, he pursued learning with dedication, often engaging in discussions with scholars and intellectuals of his time. This period of intellectual exploration and self-discovery laid the groundwork for the formulation of his ethical philosophy.

In his twenties, Confucius entered public service, holding various minor governmental positions. This experience exposed him to the complexities of political life and governance, providing practical insights that would later inform his teachings on leadership and ethical conduct. Despite his aspirations for reform, Confucius found himself in a political climate rife with corruption and power struggles.

Confucius’ early career in public service was characterized by a commitment to moral rectitude and principled governance. However, his uncompromising stance on ethical matters and his outspoken criticism of corrupt officials led to his marginalization within the political establishment. Disillusioned by the political landscape, Confucius withdrew from public service in his early fifties and turned his attention to teaching and the dissemination of his ethical philosophy.

The latter part of Confucius’ life was devoted to traveling throughout China, accompanied by a group of devoted disciples. During these journeys, he engaged in dialogues with rulers, scholars, and common people, sharing his insights on ethics, governance, and the cultivation of virtue. The Analects, a collection of Confucius’ sayings and teachings compiled by his disciples, provides a glimpse into these philosophical conversations and serves as a foundational text of Confucianism.

Confucius’ emphasis on education and the importance of moral exemplars became central tenets of his philosophy. He believed that cultivating virtuous individuals through education and ethical guidance was essential for creating a just and harmonious society. Confucius’ teaching methods involved personalized instruction tailored to the individual needs and capacities of his students, emphasizing the transformative power of ethical education.

Confucius’ personal life reflected the principles he espoused. His relationships with his disciples were characterized by mutual respect, loyalty, and a shared commitment to ethical ideals. The bonds forged during these interactions contributed to the enduring influence of Confucianism, as his disciples played a crucial role in preserving and transmitting his teachings to future generations.

In his later years, Confucius returned to Lu, where he continued to impart his wisdom and engage in scholarly pursuits. Despite facing criticism and opposition from some quarters, his teachings gained recognition and began to influence a growing number of followers. Confucius’ legacy as a teacher and philosopher continued to thrive even after his death in 479 BCE.

Confucius’ early life, marked by personal challenges and a quest for knowledge, laid the foundation for his enduring impact on Chinese philosophy and culture. His commitment to ethical principles, education, and the cultivation of virtuous individuals remains a cornerstone of Confucian thought. The legacy of Confucius endures through the ongoing influence of his teachings on ethics, governance, and the pursuit of a harmonious society.

Teaching Career

Confucius’ teaching career stands as a pivotal chapter in the history of Chinese philosophy, shaping the ethical and moral foundations of Confucianism. Following his withdrawal from public service during his early fifties, Confucius embarked on a journey of education and philosophical discourse that would profoundly impact generations to come.

Central to Confucius’ teaching career was the transmission of ethical principles and the cultivation of virtuous individuals. Rejecting the prevailing political landscape characterized by corruption and moral decay, Confucius believed that the key to societal harmony lay in the moral development of individuals, starting with education.

During his travels across various states in China, Confucius gathered a group of dedicated disciples who became instrumental in preserving and disseminating his teachings. This period of intellectual exchange and philosophical exploration is encapsulated in the Analects, a compilation of Confucius’ sayings and dialogues with his disciples.

Confucius emphasized the transformative power of education in shaping individuals of moral character. He advocated for a holistic approach to learning that went beyond mere accumulation of knowledge. Confucius believed in the importance of self-cultivation, wherein individuals actively worked on refining their character and embodying virtuous qualities.

The teaching methods employed by Confucius were highly personalized, tailored to the needs and capacities of each student. Recognizing that individuals differed in their abilities and inclinations, Confucius emphasized the importance of adapting educational approaches to nurture the unique qualities of each learner. This emphasis on individualized instruction reflected his belief in the potential for personal transformation through ethical education.

The concept of the “junzi,” or the “gentleman” or “noble person,” was central to Confucius’ educational philosophy. The junzi represented an ideal individual who embodied virtue, wisdom, and moral integrity. Confucius believed that through education and ethical guidance, individuals could aspire to attain the status of the junzi and contribute to the betterment of society.

Confucius’ teachings also included practical advice on various aspects of life, from interpersonal relationships to governance. He emphasized the importance of filial piety, the respect and obedience owed to parents, as a fundamental virtue. Confucius believed that the family unit served as the foundation for a harmonious society, and filial piety played a crucial role in maintaining social order and stability.

In discussions with his disciples, Confucius explored the nature of leadership and governance. He advocated for a model of government based on moral leadership, where rulers were expected to embody virtuous qualities and lead by example. Confucius believed that a ruler’s moral conduct would inspire the people to follow ethical principles, fostering a just and stable society.

The Analects provide glimpses into Confucius’ interactions with rulers of his time, where he offered counsel on governance and ethical leadership. Despite facing challenges and sometimes encountering rulers who did not heed his advice, Confucius remained steadfast in promoting his vision of a society governed by ethical principles.

Confucius’ teachings on ethics and governance gained recognition and influence over time, attracting a diverse array of followers. His disciples, including notable figures like Mencius and Xunzi, played crucial roles in preserving and expanding upon Confucian thought. The transmission of Confucian teachings through generations became a cornerstone of Chinese education and culture.

The enduring impact of Confucius’ teaching career is evident in the continued influence of Confucianism on Chinese society and beyond. Confucian values became deeply embedded in the cultural fabric, influencing social norms, family structures, and educational systems. Confucianism played a crucial role in shaping the imperial examination system, which became the basis for selecting officials during various dynasties.

Despite variations in interpretation and adaptations over the centuries, Confucianism maintained its relevance in different historical periods. Confucian principles were incorporated into statecraft and governance, providing a moral framework for rulers and officials. The Confucian emphasis on education and ethical conduct also permeated traditional Chinese education, influencing the curriculum and shaping the values instilled in students.

Confucius’ teaching career laid the groundwork for the development of Confucianism as a comprehensive philosophical and ethical system. His emphasis on education, virtue, and moral leadership continues to resonate in contemporary discussions on ethics, governance, and human flourishing. The enduring legacy of Confucius as a teacher and philosopher is reflected in the continued relevance of his teachings in shaping the moral and cultural landscape of East Asia.

Confucius’ philosophy, often referred to as Confucianism, has left an indelible mark on Chinese thought and culture. Rooted in a deep concern for ethical conduct, social harmony, and the well-being of individuals and society, Confucianism became a guiding force in shaping the moral and philosophical landscape of East Asia.

At the core of Confucius’ philosophy is the concept of “ren,” often translated as benevolence or humaneness. Ren represents the highest moral virtue and embodies qualities such as kindness, compassion, and empathy. Confucius believed that the practice of ren was essential for fostering harmonious relationships and creating a just and ethical society.

The idea of ren extended beyond mere benevolence; it encompassed the cultivation of moral character in individuals. Confucius emphasized the importance of self-cultivation, arguing that individuals should strive to become morally upright and virtuous. He believed that the development of virtuous individuals was the foundation for building a moral and stable society.

Filial piety, or “xiao” in Chinese, was another key concept in Confucius’ philosophy. Confucius regarded filial piety as a fundamental virtue, emphasizing the respect and obedience that children owe to their parents. Filial piety was seen as the cornerstone of a well-ordered society, with strong family ties serving as the basis for social stability.

The concept of the “junzi,” often translated as the “gentleman” or “noble person,” represented an ideal individual in Confucianism. The junzi was someone who embodied the virtues of ren, exhibited wisdom, and adhered to ethical principles. Confucius believed that the junzi, through self-cultivation and moral leadership, could contribute to the betterment of society.

Confucius’ teachings on governance reflected his vision of a moral and principled leadership. He argued that rulers should govern with benevolence, justice, and virtue. The moral conduct of rulers, in Confucius’ view, would serve as a model for the people, inspiring them to follow ethical principles. This idea of ethical governance became a foundational element of Confucian political thought.

The Analects, a compilation of Confucius’ sayings and dialogues with his disciples, serves as a primary source for understanding his philosophy. In these conversations, Confucius addressed a wide range of topics, including ethics, education, governance, and the nature of human relationships. His aphoristic style and emphasis on practical wisdom contributed to the enduring appeal of the Analects.

Education played a central role in Confucius’ philosophy. He believed that education was not just about the acquisition of knowledge but also about the cultivation of moral character. Confucius emphasized the transformative power of ethical education in shaping individuals and society. His teaching methods involved personalized instruction, tailoring guidance to the unique needs and capacities of each student.

Confucius’ philosophy of education aimed at producing individuals who were not only intellectually competent but also morally upright. He saw education as a means to instill virtues, foster a sense of responsibility, and contribute to the overall well-being of individuals and society. The enduring influence of Confucian values on East Asian educational systems reflects the lasting impact of his philosophy.

While Confucius’ teachings focused on ethical conduct and social harmony, he also addressed the importance of rituals and propriety, known as “li” in Confucian terminology. Rituals were seen as a means to express and reinforce moral values, creating a shared sense of order and harmony within society. Confucius believed that adherence to rituals contributed to the cultivation of a virtuous and civilized community.

The concept of “yi,” often translated as righteousness or moral integrity, was another key aspect of Confucius’ philosophy. Confucius emphasized the importance of acting with moral integrity and upholding ethical principles even in the face of challenges. Yi represented the moral compass that guided individuals in making righteous decisions.

Confucius’ philosophy was not without critics. Some contemporaries and later thinkers challenged aspects of Confucian thought, arguing that it was too conservative or hierarchical. However, Confucianism’s enduring appeal and adaptability allowed it to weather criticisms and changes in political and social landscapes.

Over the centuries, Confucianism evolved and adapted to various historical contexts. Different schools of Confucian thought emerged, each offering nuanced interpretations of Confucian principles. Notable figures such as Mencius and Xunzi contributed to the development and refinement of Confucian ideas, adding depth and complexity to the philosophical tradition.

Confucianism’s influence extended beyond China, shaping the cultural and ethical values of other East Asian countries, including Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. The enduring legacy of Confucius is evident in the continued resonance of Confucian values in contemporary East Asian societies.

In modern times, Confucianism has faced challenges and undergone reinterpretation. Some argue that Confucian principles are relevant to addressing contemporary issues such as social justice, environmental ethics, and global harmony. Others contend that Confucianism needs to adapt to new cultural and social realities while preserving its core ethical values.

Political Views

Confucius’ political views, as articulated in his teachings, reflect a profound concern for ethical governance and moral leadership. Living during a tumultuous period in Chinese history known as the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), Confucius witnessed political instability, social unrest, and moral decay. His responses to these challenges laid the foundation for his distinctive political philosophy, which emphasized the importance of virtuous leadership, ethical conduct, and social harmony.

Central to Confucius’ political thought was the concept of “ren,” often translated as benevolence or humaneness. Confucius believed that leaders should embody the virtue of ren, treating their subjects with kindness, compassion, and empathy. He argued that rulers who practiced benevolence would inspire loyalty and foster a sense of well-being among the people. The ethical conduct of leaders, in Confucius’ view, was paramount for the stability and prosperity of the state.

Confucius advocated for a moral and principled approach to governance. He believed that rulers should govern with a sense of duty and a commitment to the well-being of their subjects. The ruler’s moral character, according to Confucius, would serve as a model for the people, influencing them to uphold ethical principles in their own lives. This emphasis on moral leadership set Confucian political thought apart from other contemporary philosophies that focused solely on legalistic or authoritarian approaches.

In the Analects, Confucius engaged in dialogues with his disciples on various aspects of governance. He discussed the qualities of a virtuous ruler, emphasizing virtues such as wisdom, integrity, and humility. Confucius argued that a ruler’s personal conduct and commitment to moral principles would create a positive ripple effect, shaping the moral character of officials and the broader society.

Confucius acknowledged the importance of laws and regulations in governing a state, but he believed that the effectiveness of laws depended on the moral character of the rulers. He stated, “Guide them by edicts, keep them in line with punishments, and the common people will stay out of trouble but will have no sense of shame. Guide them by virtue, keep them in line with the rites, and they will, besides having a sense of shame, reform themselves.”

The concept of “li,” often translated as ritual propriety or rites, played a significant role in Confucian political philosophy. Confucius believed that adherence to rituals and proper conduct was crucial for maintaining social order and harmony. Rituals were not merely ceremonial; they were seen as expressions of moral values that fostered a sense of community and reinforced ethical norms within society. Confucius argued that rulers should uphold and promote these rituals to create a harmonious and well-ordered state.

Filial piety, or “xiao,” was another key element of Confucius’ political thought. Confucius regarded filial piety as a fundamental virtue that extended beyond familial relationships to societal and political realms. He believed that a ruler’s commitment to filial piety would influence the people to respect authority and contribute to social cohesion. Confucius stated, “Filial piety and brotherly respect – are they not the root of all benevolent actions?”

Confucius’ political views were not solely focused on the ruler; he also addressed the responsibilities of officials. He emphasized that officials should be selected based on merit and virtue rather than nepotism or favoritism. Confucius believed that officials, like rulers, should prioritize the well-being of the people and act with integrity and justice.

While Confucius advocated for moral leadership, he recognized the practical challenges of governance. He acknowledged the need for flexibility and pragmatism in certain situations, advising rulers to adapt their policies based on the specific circumstances they faced. Confucius’ political realism, combined with his ethical idealism, provided a nuanced perspective on governance.

Confucius’ teachings on governance were not confined to theoretical discussions. During his travels, he sought opportunities to offer advice to rulers of different states. While some rulers welcomed his counsel and implemented his suggestions, others dismissed or ignored him. Despite facing challenges and political setbacks, Confucius remained steadfast in promoting his vision of a just and morally upright government.

The enduring influence of Confucius’ political thought is evident in the subsequent development of Confucianism. His disciples, such as Mencius and Xunzi, expanded upon his ideas, contributing to the richness and diversity of Confucian political philosophy. Confucianism became the dominant ideology during the Han Dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE), influencing statecraft, education, and the imperial examination system.

Over the centuries, Confucianism evolved and adapted to changing political landscapes. It became a foundational element of Chinese political culture, influencing the behavior of rulers and officials. Confucian principles of moral leadership, ritual propriety, and filial piety persisted through different dynasties, providing a moral framework for governance.

Confucianism faced challenges during periods when rulers sought to suppress or marginalize it, but its resilience allowed it to endure and resurface. In modern times, Confucianism has experienced a revival in certain spheres, as scholars and thinkers explore its relevance to contemporary governance, ethics, and societal harmony.

While Confucius’ political views were rooted in the specific historical context of ancient China, his emphasis on ethical governance, moral leadership, and the well-being of the people continues to resonate in discussions on politics and governance. Confucian political philosophy remains a rich source of inspiration and reflection for those exploring the intersection of ethics and political power.

Confucius’ life was marked by periods of political exile, challenging experiences that profoundly influenced his philosophical outlook and contributed to the development of Confucianism. Exiled from his home state of Lu during a time of political upheaval and social discord, Confucius faced adversity that shaped his teachings on virtue, governance, and the role of the junzi (noble person) in society.

The primary reason for Confucius’ exile was his principled stance on ethical governance and his vocal criticism of corrupt officials and rulers. Confucius believed in the moral responsibility of leaders to uphold principles of benevolence, justice, and integrity. His outspoken critiques of those in power drew the ire of political authorities, leading to his eventual exile from Lu.

The political landscape during Confucius’ time, known as the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), was characterized by rivalries between feudal states, internal strife, and a lack of centralized authority. Confucius sought to contribute to the establishment of stable and ethical governance, but his ideas clashed with the prevailing political norms, leading to his marginalization.

Confucius’ exile took place around 496 BCE when he was in his fifties. Forced to leave his homeland, he embarked on a journey across different states in China, accompanied by a group of loyal disciples. During this period, Confucius faced numerous challenges, including the indifference or hostility of rulers who were unreceptive to his ideas.

The experiences of exile deeply influenced Confucius’ philosophical reflections, shaping his views on the moral dimensions of leadership and the challenges of implementing ethical governance. Confucius’ teachings on governance and virtue gained depth and resonance as a result of the hardships he faced during his years away from Lu.

In the Analects, Confucius often reflected on the difficulties he encountered during his travels and exile. He lamented the lack of moral leadership and the prevalence of corruption in the ruling class. One of his disciples, Zilu, asked him about governance, to which Confucius responded, “Guide them with government regulations, keep them in line with penalties, and the common people will stay out of trouble but will have no sense of shame. Guide them with virtue, keep them in line with ritual, and they will, besides having a sense of shame, reform themselves.”

This passage encapsulates Confucius’ conviction that governance based solely on laws and penalties would lack a deeper moral foundation. He argued that true reform and societal improvement could only be achieved through the cultivation of virtue and adherence to rituals that embodied ethical principles.

Confucius’ interactions with rulers during his exile were marked by varying degrees of success and frustration. Some rulers welcomed his wisdom and sought his advice on governance, while others dismissed him or even threatened his life. Despite these challenges, Confucius remained steadfast in his commitment to promoting ethical leadership.

One notable encounter during Confucius’ travels took place in the state of Wei, where he engaged in a dialogue with the ruler Duke Ling. The Duke, impressed by Confucius’ ideas, sought his guidance on governance. Confucius provided counsel on the importance of moral leadership, stating, “When the ruler himself is upright, all go well even without issuing orders. When he himself is not upright, even though he may issue orders, they will not be followed.”

Confucius’ emphasis on the moral character of rulers as a key factor in effective governance became a recurring theme in his teachings. He believed that the ethical conduct of leaders set the tone for the entire society and influenced the behavior of the people. This perspective reflected his conviction that governance should be rooted in moral principles rather than mere authority.

Despite occasional successes in influencing rulers, Confucius’ exile was marked by moments of despair and disappointment. He faced personal and professional challenges, and at times, he questioned the impact of his teachings. In the Analects, Confucius expressed his feelings of isolation and the difficulties of being misunderstood, stating, “The sage has no invariable mind of his own; the petty man is stubborn and does not easily change.”

Confucius’ reflections on the challenges of exile contributed to the development of his concept of the junzi, the noble person or gentleman. The junzi, according to Confucius, was characterized by virtues such as benevolence, wisdom, integrity, and humility. Confucius believed that the junzi, through self-cultivation and adherence to ethical principles, could navigate the challenges of the world with grace and contribute to the betterment of society.

The junzi embodied the ideals of Confucianism, serving as a moral exemplar and upholding principles even in the face of adversity. Confucius believed that the cultivation of junzi qualities was essential for individuals aspiring to contribute to the well-being of society, especially during times of political turmoil and moral decline.

Confucius’ exile also provided opportunities for him to impart his wisdom to a new generation of disciples. The dialogues recorded in the Analects between Confucius and his followers during this period served as a platform for the transmission of his teachings. Confucius’ disciples played a crucial role in preserving and disseminating his philosophy, ensuring that his ideas continued to influence subsequent generations.

The impact of Confucius’ exile extended beyond his immediate circumstances. It became a symbol of his commitment to ethical principles and his resilience in the face of political adversity. Confucius’ teachings on leadership, virtue, and the junzi gained credibility through the lived experience of his exile, reinforcing the authenticity of his philosophical insights.

Confucius eventually returned to Lu around 484 BCE, but his final years were marked by a sense of disillusionment. Despite the challenges he faced, Confucius remained dedicated to teaching and transmitting his philosophy to future generations. The enduring legacy of Confucius lies not only in the intellectual contributions of his teachings but also in the personal and philosophical resilience he demonstrated during the period of exile.

Confucius’ legacy is vast and enduring, encompassing profound influences on philosophy, ethics, education, and culture. As the founder of Confucianism, his teachings have left an indelible mark on the intellectual and moral landscape of East Asia, shaping the values and principles that continue to resonate across generations.

The legacy of Confucius is most prominently encapsulated in Confucianism, a philosophical and ethical system that emerged from his teachings. Rooted in the pursuit of virtue, moral integrity, and social harmony, Confucianism became a dominant cultural force in China and later extended its influence to other East Asian countries, including Japan, Korea, and Vietnam.

At the heart of Confucianism is the concept of “ren,” often translated as benevolence or humaneness. Confucius believed that the practice of ren was essential for creating a harmonious and just society. Ren represents the highest moral virtue, encompassing qualities such as compassion, kindness, and empathy. The enduring appeal of Confucianism lies in its emphasis on ethical conduct and the cultivation of virtuous individuals.

Confucius’ teachings on governance have also left a lasting impact on political thought. He advocated for moral leadership and the idea that rulers should govern with benevolence and justice. Confucian political philosophy, with its focus on the moral character of leaders, influenced statecraft, governance, and the imperial examination system in traditional Chinese society.

The concept of the “junzi,” often translated as the “gentleman” or “noble person,” represents the ideal individual in Confucianism. The junzi embodies virtues such as wisdom, integrity, and humility, serving as a moral exemplar for others. Confucius believed that the cultivation of junzi qualities was essential for creating a morally upright and harmonious society.

Confucius’ impact on education is profound. He emphasized the transformative power of ethical education in shaping individuals and society. Confucian values permeated the Chinese educational system, shaping the curriculum and influencing the selection of officials through the imperial examination system. The Confucian emphasis on the importance of learning, self-cultivation, and moral character continues to influence educational practices in East Asia.

The Analects, a compilation of Confucius’ sayings and dialogues with his disciples, serves as a foundational text in Confucianism. The aphoristic style and practical wisdom contained in the Analects have made it a timeless source of inspiration and guidance. Confucius’ teachings, as recorded in this text, cover a wide range of topics, including ethics, governance, family relationships, and the role of individuals in society.

Confucius’ legacy extends to the realm of family and social relationships. The concept of filial piety, or “xiao,” emphasizes the importance of respect and obedience to parents. Filial piety serves as a foundational virtue in Confucianism, shaping family dynamics and social norms. Confucius believed that strong family ties were essential for the well-being of individuals and the stability of society.

Despite the enduring influence of Confucius, his philosophy has not been without critics. During various periods in Chinese history, Confucianism faced challenges and critiques, particularly during times of political change or cultural upheaval. Critics argued that Confucian values could be conservative and hierarchical, hindering social progress and individual freedom.

In modern times, Confucianism has undergone reinterpretation and adaptation to address contemporary challenges. Scholars and thinkers explore how Confucian values can be applied to issues such as social justice, environmental ethics, and global harmony. Confucianism continues to be a subject of scholarly inquiry and debate, reflecting its ongoing relevance and adaptability.

Confucius’ legacy also extends beyond East Asia. His ideas have influenced Western thinkers and attracted the attention of scholars interested in comparative philosophy and ethics. The universal themes of ethics, virtue, and the pursuit of a harmonious society found in Confucianism resonate with a global audience, contributing to cross-cultural dialogue and understanding.

Confucius’ impact on literature and the arts is evident in classical Chinese literature, poetry, and painting. His teachings have inspired countless works of art that explore themes of virtue, moral conduct, and the pursuit of a meaningful life. Confucian values continue to shape cultural expressions and artistic representations in East Asian societies.

The reverence for Confucius is evident in the veneration of Confucian temples and rituals honoring his memory. Confucius temples, found in various parts of East Asia, serve as cultural and educational centers where individuals pay homage to Confucius and engage in activities related to learning and moral reflection. The annual Confucius Memorial Ceremony in Qufu, Confucius’ hometown, is a significant event that attracts visitors and participants from around the world.

Confucius’ influence is further manifested in the establishment of Confucius Institutes, cultural and educational institutions that promote Chinese language and culture globally. These institutes, supported by the Chinese government, aim to enhance understanding and appreciation of Chinese traditions, including Confucian values, in an international context.

The legacy of Confucius also intersects with discussions on ethical leadership, societal values, and the role of philosophy in addressing contemporary challenges. As societies grapple with issues such as social justice, environmental sustainability, and global cooperation, Confucianism continues to be a source of inspiration for those seeking ethical guidance and moral principles.

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Lasted Stories

Who was Confucius?

Confucius believed that all people–and the society they live in—benefit from a lifetime of learning and a moral outlook.

An ancient Chinese text recorded the height of Confucius as nine feet six inches tall. While that document may have exaggerated his physical size, there’s no doubt that Confucius was a teacher and philosopher of tremendous stature . His ideals have become intrinsically entwined with the national identity of China and the civilization of East Asia.

The individual known in the West as Confucius was born Kongqiu in 551 B.C. near Qufu, in eastern China. His family may once have been aristocratic, but they apparently fell on hard times, because he took menial jobs as a young man.

Love of learning

Confucius showed a zeal for academics early on. “At 15, I set my heart on learning,” he later told his disciples. He studied music, mathematics, the classics, history, and more. He was especially entranced by the early years of the Zhou dynasty (1046–256 B.C.), a peaceful period he perceived as a golden age to be emulated.

Confucius stressed the cultivation of personal qualities such as benevolence, reciprocity, and filial piety.

Confucius believed that education and reflection led to virtue, and that those who aspired to command others must cultivate discipline and moral authority in themselves. He strove to rise through the government ranks, but he tended to offend others with his forceful personality, using his position as a bully pulpit for preaching good governance. He eventually was appointed to the influential post of minister of crime in the state of Lu but fell from favor through his aggressive reform efforts.

He tried for years to reenter public service in order to improve it from within, but he found far greater success as a teacher instead. Confucius broke with tradition in his belief that all human beings could benefit from education. He espoused lifelong learning “for the sake of the self,” meaning self- knowledge and self-improvement. He attracted a wide circle of followers, who knew him as Kongfuzi (Master Kong). Those pupils recorded his words in The Analects, a collection of ethical concepts.

As stated in The Analects, Confucius believed that social harmony would naturally follow from the proper ordering of individuals in relation to one another, with the family unit as the basic building block of society. He therefore stressed the cultivation of personal qualities such as benevolence, reciprocity, and filial piety as essential to the formation of well-educated, conscientious individuals who would benefit society through public service.

Spreading his wisdom

Confucius was largely ignored in his own day. When he died in 479 B.C., he left behind perhaps 3,000 students, who devoted themselves to preserving and propagating their master’s precepts . Confucius’s teachings were enthusiastically adopted as Chinese state ideology by the Han dynasty in the second century B.C. The Analects would go on to guide governments and individuals for millennia, informing and influencing Chinese history and civilization in the process.

Qufu, Confucius's hometown

During his lifetime, Confucius was not particularly appreciated in his native city of Qufu, in eastern China. Time has remedied that oversight. The devotion of subsequent Chinese rulers and people over the centuries has helped preserve his now hallowed ground.

Today Confucius’s temple, cemetery, and family mansion are UNESCO World Heritage sites as well, as popular tourist and pilgrimage destinations. The Temple of Confucius was built shortly after the sage died in 479 B.C. and has evolved to become a 50-acre complex. A poignant symbol of the status of this revered “uncrowned king” — as his disciples referred to him —is that the glazed tiles forming the roof of his temple are yellow, a color usually reserved for the emperor.

Farmers’ tough existence

Peasant farmers were the core of Chinese agricultural society. Their lives were brutally hard. “Through all four seasons they never get a day off ... No matter how hard they work, they can be ruined by floods or droughts, or cruel and arbitrary officials ... They are forced to sell their fields and houses, even their children and grandchildren, to pay their debts,” reported Han dynasty official Chao Cuo in 178 B.C.

By Han times, peasants had plows with iron tips and were aided by oxen and donkeys. But taxes were grinding, and farmers also had to perform mandatory government labor. Their shrinking farms were divided among multiple heirs. Banditry and rebellion began to take hold, and peasant uprisings were a threat into the 20th century.

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Biography Online

Confucius Biography

Confucius was an influential Chinese philosopher – who taught a philosophy of correct behaviour, social interaction and kindness towards others. During his lifetime, he sought to educate his fellow citizens on principles of justice, service and personal integrity. After his death, his precepts and philosophy became the cornerstone of Chinese culture and philosophy – widely known as Confucianism.

His family may have had aristocratic roots, but were relatively poor at the time of his birth. His father was a soldier who died when Confucius was just three years old. As a result, he was brought up by his mother, who kindled his love of learning and seeking wisdom. From a young age, he sought out teachers who could instruct him in all aspects of life. His all-round education involved become adept in the arts of archery, ritual, music, calligraphy, charioteering and arithmetic. He also studied history and poetry. Confucius was, in particular, fascinated with the moral and cultural precepts known as ‘Li.’

“At fifteen my heart was set on learning; at thirty I stood firm; at forty I had no more doubts; at fifty I knew the mandate of heaven; at sixty my ear was obedient; at seventy I could follow my heart’s desire without transgressing the norm.” – Confucius, The Anlects, ch. 2

Confucius as a teacher

After the death of his mother, Confucius spent three years in seclusion and bereavement; this enabled him to focus on perfecting his philosophic ideals. At the end of his period of seclusion, he became a teacher, teaching people from all classes in the ancient arts of Li. Confucius soon became the acknowledged expert in the art of Li and he became the chief sage to the Duke of Lu. However, the Duke of Lu was expelled from his city by a revolt of ministers. Confucius followed him into exile and spent the next 14 years working on his collection of ancient codes of conduct and morality.

“Isn’t it a pleasure to study and practice what you have learned? Isn’t it also great when friends visit from distant places? If one remains not annoyed when he is not understood by people around him, isn’t he a sage?” The Analects , Chapter I

Confucius taught the importance of self-introspection. In particular, valuing the true and honest motive and performing one’s duty to the best of his ability.

“In archery we have something like the way of the superior man. When the archer misses the center of the target, he turns round and seeks for the cause of his failure in himself.” Confucius, The Doctrine of the Mean

Confucius was widely loved by his students – breaking with tradition – he became friendly with them and got to know them on a personal level. He style of teaching also varied depending on their personalities and character traits. He was not stuck in a rigid mode of teaching but took an innovative approach which led to a real sense of loyalty amongst his students. Ironically, after his death, his teaching became heavily formalised and was often implemented quite rigidly.

Confucius became a champion of education, supporting the idea that everyone could benefit from, not just intellectual knowledge, but a rounded education which taught principles of self-development and service to the greater public good. His advice to would be rulers included:

“If you would govern a state of a thousand chariots (a middle-size state), you must pay strict attention to business, be true to your word, be economical in expenditure and love the people.” – The Anlects, ch. 1.

Despite his glowing reputation and an increasing number of students, Confucius often encountered difficulties from those who opposed him or were jealous of his influence. He tried for many years to put his ideas into practice, getting involved in public service. However, he became frustrated at the corruption and self-interest which was dominant in the courts of influence. Towards the end of his life, Confucius despaired at the possibility of ever returning society to justice and order. In his later years, he placed less emphasis on public service and instead, wrote prodigiously explaining his key concepts and teachings.

On 21 November 479 BCE, Confucius died from apparent natural causes in Qufu, China – he was 73 years old. One story says he predicted his own death after seeing a wounded antelope. In philosophic fashion he said of his imminent passing:

“The great mountain must collapse, the mighty beam must break, and the wise man wither like a plant.”

Although relatively unsuccessful in his own time, his philosophy took hold around 200BC and played a huge role in influencing future Chinese society and Chinese philosophy. The philosophic essence of his teachings can be seen in the following quote.

“To show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others; and not to revenge unreasonable conduct — this is the energy of southern regions, and the good man makes it his study. To lie under arms; and meet death without regret — this is the energy of northern regions, and the forceful make it their study. Therefore, the superior man cultivates a friendly harmony, without being weak — How firm is he in his energy!” Confucius, The Doctrine of the Mean

Confucius did not claim miracles or any divinity but had great faith in the power of education, respect for the past, righteous conduct, and reform of corrupt practices. His own life was not particularly remarkable and he was beset by many challenges, such as the death of his parents and the political turmoil of his era. However, to Confucius, dealing with everyday difficulties was an essential part of reforming your character and becoming a better person.

Religion of Confucius

Although Confucius would be unaware of any religious teachings from outside China, he offered a variant of the ‘Golden Rule’ – a teaching which is considered to be at the heart of all religious and spiritual paths.

“What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others.”

His teachings on personal development and seeking the root of virtue from honest introspection also has parallels with the teachings of the Buddha who lived at a similar time in India (though they would have remained unaware of each other.) To some Confucius is considered a great spiritual teacher in the spirit of Rama, Zoroaster, Krishna, the Buddha and Mohammed.

Citation:  Pettinger, Tejvan . “Biography of Confucius”, Oxford, UK  www.biographyonline.net Published 28 November 2008. Last updated 9 February 2020.

The Complete Confucius

• The Complete Confucius:   The Analects, The Doctrine Of The Mean, and The Great Learning with an Introduction by Nicholas Tamblyn

Related pages

Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy

Confucius (551—479 b.c.e.), table of contents.

• The Confucius of History
• The Confucius of the Analects
• Harmonious order
• Moral force
• Self-cultivation
• The Confucius of Myth
• The Confucius of the State
• Key Interpreters of Confucius
• References and Further Reading

1. The Confucius of History

Sources for the historical recovery of Confucius’ life and thought are limited to texts that postdate his traditional lifetime (551-479 BCE) by a few decades at least and several centuries at most. Confucius’ appearances in Chinese texts are a sign of his popularity and utility among literate elites during the Warring States (403-221 BCE), Qin (221-206 BCE), and Han (206 BCE-220 CE) periods. These texts vary in character and function, from collections of biographical and pedagogical fragments such as the Analects to dynastic histories and works by later Confucian thinkers.

The historical Confucius, born in the small state of Lu on the Shandong peninsula in northeastern China, was a product of the “Spring and Autumn Period” (770-481 BCE). We know him mostly from texts that date to the “Warring States Period” (403-221 BCE). During these eras, China enjoyed no political unity and suffered from the internecine warfare of small states, remnants of the once-great Zhou polity that collapsed after “barbarian” invasions in 771 BCE. For more than three hundred years after the alleged year of Confucius’ birth, the Chinese would fight each other for mastery of the empire lost by the Zhou. In the process, life became difficult, especially for the shi (“retainer” or “knight”) class, from which Confucius himself arose. As feudal lords were defeated and disenfranchised in battle and the kings of the various warring states began to rely on appointed administrators rather than vassals to govern their territories, these shi became lordless anachronisms and fell into genteel poverty and itinerancy. Their knowledge of aristocratic traditions, however, helped them remain valuable to competing kings, who wished to learn how to regain the unity imposed by the Zhou and who sought to emulate the Zhou by patterning court rituals and other institutions after those of the fallen dynasty.

Thus, a new role for shi as itinerant antiquarians emerged. In such roles, shi found themselves in and out of office as the fortunes of various patron states ebbed and flowed. Confucius is said to have held office for only a short time before withdrawing into scholarly retirement. While out of office, veteran shi might gather small circles of disciples – young men from shi backgrounds who wished to succeed in public life. It is precisely such master-and-disciple exchanges between Confucius and his students that the Analects claims to record.

2. The Confucius of the Analects

Above all else, the Analects depicts Confucius as someone who “transmits, but does not innovate” (7.1). What Confucius claimed to transmit was the Dao (Way) of the sages of Zhou antiquity; in the Analects , he is the erudite guardian of tradition who challenges his disciples to emulate the sages of the past and restore the moral integrity of the state. Although readers of the Analects often assume that Confucius’ views are presented as a coherent and consistent system within the text, a careful reading reveals several different sets of philosophical concerns which do not conflict so much as they complement one another. These complimentary sets of concerns can be categorized into four groups:

3. Theodicy

Those familiar with Enlightenment-influenced presentations of Confucius as an austere humanist who did not discuss the supernatural may be surprised to encounter the term “theodicy” as a framework for understanding Confucius’ philosophical concerns. Confucius’ record of silence on the subject of the divine is attested by the Analects (5.13, 7.21, 11.12). In fact, as a child of the late Zhou world, Confucius inherited a great many religious sensibilities, including theistic ones. For the early Chinese (c. 16 th century BCE), the world was controlled by an all-powerful deity, “The Lord on High” ( Shangdi ), to whom entreaties were made in the first known Chinese texts, inscriptions found on animal bones offered in divinatory sacrifice. As the Zhou polity emerged and triumphed over the previous Shang tribal rule, Zhou apologists began to regard their deity, Tian (“Sky” or “Heaven”) as synonymous with Shangdi , the deity of the deposed Shang kings, and explained the decline of Shang and the rise of Zhou as a consequence of a change in Tianming (“the mandate of Heaven”). Thus, theistic justifications for conquest and rulership were present very early in Chinese history.By the time of Confucius, the concept of Tian appears to have changed slightly. For one thing, the ritual complex of Zhou diviners, which served to ascertain the will of Tian for the benefit of the king, had collapsed with Zhou rule itself. At the same time, the network of religious obligations to manifold divinities, local spirits, and ancestors does not seem to have ceased with the fall of the Zhou, and Confucius appears to uphold sacrifices to “gods and ghosts” as consistent with “transmitting” noble tradition. Yet, in the Analects , a new aspect of Tian emerges. For the Confucius of the Analects , discerning the will of Tian and reconciling it with his own moral compass sometimes proves to be a troubling exercise:

If Heaven is about to abandon this culture, those who die afterwards will not get to share in it; if Heaven has not yet abandoned this culture, what can the men of Guang [Confucius’ adversaries in this instance] do to me? (9.5) There is no one who recognizes me…. I neither resent Heaven nor blame humanity. In learning about the lower I have understood the higher. The one who recognizes me – wouldn’t that be Heaven? (14.35) Heaven has abandoned me! Heaven has abandoned me! (11.9)

As A. C. Graham has noted, Confucius seems to be of two minds about Tian . At times, he is convinced that he enjoys the personal protection and sanction of Tian , and thus defies his mortal opponents as he wages his campaign of moral instruction and reform. At other moments, however, he seems caught in the throes of existential despair, wondering if he has lost his divine backer at last. Tian seems to participate in functions of “fate” and “nature” as well as those of “deity.” What remains consistent throughout Confucius’ discourses on Tian is his threefold assumption about this extrahuman, absolute power in the universe: (1) its alignment with moral goodness, (2) its dependence on human agents to actualize its will, and (3) the variable, unpredictable nature of its associations with mortal actors. Thus, to the extent that the Confucius of the Analects is concerned with justifying the ways of Tian to humanity, he tends to do so without questioning these three assumptions about the nature of Tian , which are rooted deeply in the Chinese past.

4. Harmonious order

The dependence of Tian upon human agents to put its will into practice helps account for Confucius’ insistence on moral, political, social, and even religious activism. In one passage (17.19), Confucius seems to believe that, just as Tian does not speak but yet accomplishes its will for the cosmos, so too can he remain “silent” (in the sense of being out of office, perhaps) and yet effective in promoting his principles, possibly through the many disciples he trained for government service. At any rate, much of Confucius’ teaching is directed toward the maintenance of three interlocking kinds of order: (1) aesthetic, (2) moral, and (3) social. The instrument for effecting and emulating all three is li (ritual propriety).

Do not look at, do not listen to, do not speak of, do not do whatever is contrary to ritual propriety. (12.1)

In this passage, Confucius underscores the crucial importance of rigorous attention to li as a kind of self-replicating blueprint for good manners and taste, morality, and social order. In his view, the appropriate use of a quotation from the Classic of Poetry ( Shijing ), the perfect execution of guest-host etiquette, and the correct performance of court ritual all serve a common end: they regulate and maintain order. The nature of this order is, as mentioned above, threefold. It is aesthetic — quoting the Shijing upholds the cultural hegemony of Zhou literature and the conventions of elite good taste. Moreover, it is moral — good manners demonstrate both concern for others and a sense of one’s place. Finally, it is social — rituals properly performed duplicate ideal hierarchies of power, whether between ruler and subject, parent and child, or husband and wife. For Confucius, the paramount example of harmonious social order seems to be xiao (filial piety), of which jing (reverence) is the key quality:

Observe what a person has in mind to do when his father is alive, and then observe what he does when his father is dead. If, for three years, he makes no changes to his father’s ways, he can be said to be a good son. (1.11) [The disciple] Ziyu asked about filial piety. The Master said, “Nowadays, for a person to be filial means no more than that he is able to provide his parents with food. Even dogs and horses are provided with food. If a person shows no reverence, where is the difference?” (2.7) In serving your father and mother, you ought to dissuade them from doing wrong in the gentlest way. If you see your advice being ignored, you should not become disobedient but should remain reverent. You should not complain even if you are distressed. (4.18)

The character of this threefold order is deeper than mere conventions such as taste and decorum, as the above quotations demonstrate. Labeling it “aesthetic” might appear to demean or trivialize it, but to draw this conclusion is to fail to reflect on the peculiar way in which many Western thinkers tend to devalue the aesthetic. As David Hall and Roger Ames have argued, this “aesthetic” Confucian order is understood to be both intrinsically moral and profoundly harmonious, whether for a shi household, the court of a Warring States king, or the cosmos at large. When persons and things are in their proper places – and here tradition is the measure of propriety – relations are smooth, operations are effortless, and the good is sought and done voluntarily. In the hierarchical political and social conception of Confucius (and all of his Chinese contemporaries), what is below takes its cues from what is above. A moral ruler will diffuse morality to those under his sway; a moral parent will raise a moral child:

Let the ruler be a ruler, the subject a subject, a father a father, and a son a son. (12.11) Direct the people with moral force and regulate them with ritual, and they will possess shame, and moreover, they will be righteous. (2.3)

5. Moral force

The last quotation from the Analects introduces a term perhaps most famously associated with a very different early Chinese text, the Laozi (Lao-tzu) or Daodejing (Tao Te Ching) – de (te) , “moral force.” Like Tian , de is heavily freighted with a long train of cultural and religious baggage, extending far back into the mists of early Chinese history. During the early Zhou period, de seems to have been a kind of amoral, almost magical power attributed to various persons – seductive women, charismatic leaders, etc. For Confucius, de seems to be just as magically efficacious, but stringently moral. It is both a quality, and a virtue of, the successful ruler:

One who rules by moral force may be compared to the North Star – it occupies its place and all the stars pay homage to it. (2.1)

De is a quality of the successful ruler, because he rules at the pleasure of Tian , which for Confucius is resolutely allied with morality, and to which he attributes his own inner de (7.23). De is the virtue of the successful ruler, without which he could not rule at all.

Confucius’ vision of order unites aesthetic concerns for harmony and symmetry ( li ) with moral force ( de ) in pursuit of social goals: a well-ordered family, a well-ordered state, and a well-ordered world. Such an aesthetic, moral, and social program begins at home, with the cultivation of the individual.

6. Self-Cultivation

In the Analects , two types of persons are opposed to one another – not in terms of basic potential (for, in 17.2, Confucius says all human beings are alike at birth), but in terms of developed potential. These are the junzi (literally, “lord’s son” or “gentleman”; Tu Wei-ming has originated the useful translation “profound person,” which will be used here) and the xiaoren (“small person”):

The profound person understands what is moral. The small person understands what is profitable. (4.16)

The junzi is the person who always manifests the quality of ren (jen) in his person and the displays the quality of yi (i) in his actions (4.5). The character for ren is composed of two graphic elements, one representing a human being and the other representing the number two. Based on this, one often hears that ren means “how two people should treat one another.” While such folk etymologies are common in discussions of Chinese characters, they often are as misleading as they are entertaining. In the case of ren – usually translated as “benevolence” or “humaneness” – the graphic elements of a human being and the number two really are instructive, so much so that Peter Boodberg suggested an evocative translation of ren as “co-humanity.” The way in which the junzi relates to his fellow human beings, however, highlights Confucius’ fundamentally hierarchical model of relations:

The moral force of the profound person is like the wind; the moral force of the small person is like the grass. Let the wind blow over the grass and it is sure to bend. (12.19)

D. C. Lau has pointed out that ren is an attribute of agents, while yi (literally, “what is fitting” — “rightness,” “righteousness”) is an attribute of actions. This helps to make clear the conceptual links between li , de , and the junzi . The junzi qua junzi exerts de , moral force, according to what is yi , fitting (that is, what is aesthetically, morally, and socially proper), and thus manifests ren , or the virtue of co-humanity in an interdependent, hierarchical universe over which Tian presides.

Two passages from the Analects go a long way in indicating the path toward self-cultivation that Confucius taught would-be junzi in fifth century BCE China:

From the age of fifteen on, I have been intent upon learning; from thirty on, I have established myself; from forty on, I have not been confused; from fifty on, I have known the mandate of Heaven; from sixty on, my ear has been attuned; from seventy on, I have followed my heart’s desire without transgressing what is right. (2.4) The Master’s Way is nothing but other-regard and self-reflection. (4.15)

The first passage illustrates the gradual and long-term scale of the process of self-cultivation. It begins during one’s teenaged years, and extends well into old age; it proceeds incrementally from intention ( zhi ) to learning ( xue ), from knowing the mandate of Heaven ( Tianming ) to doing both what is desired ( yu ) and what is right ( yi ). In his disciple Zengzi (Tseng-tzu)’s summary of his “Way” ( Dao ), Confucius teaches only “other-regard” ( zhong ) and “self-reflection” ( shu ). These terms merit their own discussion.

The conventional meaning of “other-regard” ( zhong ) in classical Chinese is “loyalty,” especially loyalty to a ruler on the part of a minister. In the Analects , Confucius extends the meaning of the term to include exercising oneself to the fullest in all relationships, including relationships with those below oneself as well as with one’s betters. “Self-reflection” ( shu ) is explained by Confucius as a negatively-phrased version of the “Golden Rule”: “What you do not desire for yourself, do not do to others.” (15.24) When one reflects upon oneself, one realizes the necessity of concern for others. The self as conceptualized by Confucius is a deeply relational self that responds to inner reflection with outer virtue.

Similarly, the self that Confucius wishes to cultivate in his own person and in his disciples is one that looks within and compares itself with the aesthetic, moral, and social canons of tradition. Aware of its source in Tian , it seeks to maximize ren through apprenticeship to li so as to exercise de in a manner befitting a junzi . Because Confucius (and early Chinese thought in general) does not suffer from the Cartesian “mind-body problem” (as Herbert Fingarette has demonstrated), there is no dichotomy between inner and outer, self and whole, and thus the cumulative effect of Confucian self-cultivation is not merely personal, but collectively social and even cosmic.

7. The Confucius of Myth

While the Analects is valuable, albeit not infallible, as a source for the reconstruction of Confucius’ thought, it is far from being the only text to which Chinese readers have turned in their quest for discovering his identity. During the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE), numerous hagiographical accounts of Confucius’ origins and deeds were produced, many of which would startle readers familiar only with the Analects . According to various texts, Confucius was a superhuman figure destined to rule as the “uncrowned king” of pre-imperial China. At birth, his body was said to have displayed special markings indicating his exemplary status. After his death, he was alleged to have revealed himself in a glorified state to his living disciples, who then received further esoteric teachings from their apotheosized master. Eventually, and perhaps inevitably, he was recognized as a deity and a cult organized itself around his worship. Feng Youlan has suggested that, had these Han images of Confucius prevailed, Confucius would have become a figure comparable to Jesus Christ in the history of China, and there would have been no arguments among scholars about whether or not Confucianism was a religion like Christianity.

To both ancient modern eyes, fantastic and improbable myths of Confucius should be added more recent myths about the sage that date from the earliest sustained contact between China and the West during the early modern period. The Latinization of Kong(fu)zi to “Confucius” originates with the interpretation of Chinese culture and thought by Jesuit missionaries for their Western audiences, supporters, and critics. Jesuits steeped in Renaissance humanism saw in Confucius a Renaissance humanist; German thinkers such as Leibniz or Wolff recognized in him an Enlightenment sage. Hegel condemned Confucius for exemplifying those whom he saw as “the people without history”; Mao castigated Confucius for imprisoning China in a cage of feudal archaism and oppression. Each remade Confucius in his own image for his own ends – a process that continues throughout the modern era, creating great heat and little light where the historical Confucius himself is concerned. Each mythologizer has seen Confucius as a symbol of whatever s/he loves or hates about China. As H. G. Creel once put it, once a figure like Confucius has become a cultural hero, stories about him tell us more about the values of the storytellers than about Confucius himself.

8. The Confucius of the State

Such mythmaking was very important to the emerging imperial Chinese state, however, as it struggled to impose cultural unity on a vast and fractious territory during the final few centuries BCE and beyond into the Common Era. After the initial persecution of Confucians during the short-lived Qin dynasty (221-202 BCE), the succeeding Han emperors and their ministers seized upon Confucius as a vehicle for the legitimation of their rule and the social control of their subjects. The “Five Classics” – five ancient texts associated with Confucius – were established as the basis for the imperial civil service examinations in 136 BCE, making memorization of these texts and their orthodox Confucian interpretations mandatory for all who wished to obtain official positions in the Han government. The state’s love affair with Confucius carried on through the end of the Han in 220 CE, after which Confucius fell out of official favor as a series of warring factions struggled for control of China during the “Period of Disunity” (220-589 CE) and foreign and indigenous religious traditions such as Buddhism and Daoism rivaled Confucianism for the attentions of the elite.

After the restoration of unified imperial government with the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE), however, the future of Confucius as a symbol of the Chinese cultural and political establishment became increasingly secure. State-sponsored sacrifices to him formed part of the official religious complex of temple rituals, from the national to the local level, and orthodox hagiography and history cemented his reputation as cultural hero among the masses. The Song dynasty (969-1279 CE) Confucian scholar Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE) institutionalized the study of the Analects as one of “Four Books” required for the redesigned imperial civil service examinations, and aspiring officials continued to memorize the text and orthodox commentaries on it until the early twentieth century.

With the fall of the last Chinese imperial government in 1911, Confucius also fell from his position of state-imposed grandeur – but not for long. Within a short time of the abdication of the last emperor, monarchists were plotting to restore a Confucian ruler to the throne. Although these plans did not materialize, the Nationalist regime in mainland China and later in Taiwan has promoted Confucius and Confucianism in a variety of ways in order to distinguish itself from the iconoclastic Communists who followed Mao to victory and control over most of China in 1949. Even the Communist regime in China has bowed reverentially to Confucius on occasion, although not without vilifying him first, especially during the anti-traditional “Cultural Revolution” campaigns of the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Today, the Communist government of China spends a great deal of money on the reconstruction and restoration of old imperial temples to Confucius across the country, and has even erected many new statues of Confucius in areas likely to be frequented by tourists from overseas. Predictably, Confucius, as a philosopher, has been rehabilitated by culturally Chinese regimes across Asia, from Singapore to Beijing, as what Wm. Th. de Bary has called “the East Asian challenge for human rights” has prompted attempts to ground “human rights with Chinese characteristics” in an authentically traditional source. In short, Confucius seems far from dead, although one wonders if the authentic spirit of his fifth century BCE thought ever will live again.

9. Key Interpreters of Confucius

Detailed discussion of Confucius’ key interpreters is best reserved for an article on Confucian philosophy. Nonetheless, an outline of the most important commentators and their philosophical trajectories is worth including here.

The two best known early interpreters of Confucius’ thought – besides the compilers of the Analects themselves, who worked gradually from the time of Confucius’ death until sometime during the former Han dynasty – are the Warring States philosophers “ Mencius ” or Mengzi (Meng-tzu, 372-289 BCE) and Xunzi (Hsun-tzu, 310-220 BCE). Neither knew Confucius personally, nor did they know one another, except retrospectively, as in the case of Xunzi commenting on Mencius. The two usually are cast as being opposed to one another because of their disagreement over human nature – a subject on which Confucius was notably silent ( Analects 5.13).

Mencius illustrates a pattern typical of Confucius’ interpreters in that he claims to be doing nothing more than “transmitting” Confucius’ thought while introducing new ideas of his own. For Mencius, renxing (human nature) is congenitally disposed toward ren , but requires cultivation through li as well as yogic disciplines related to one’s qi (vital energy), and may be stunted (although never destroyed) through neglect or negative environmental influence. Confucius does not use the term renxing in the Analects , nor does he describe qi in Mencius’ sense, and nowhere does he provide an account of the basic goodness of human beings. Nonetheless, it is Mencius’ interpretation of Confucius’ thought – especially after the ascendancy of Zhu Xi’s brand of Confucianism in the twelfth century CE – that became regarded as orthodox by most Chinese thinkers.

Like Mencius, Xunzi claims to interpret Confucius’ thought authentically, but leavens it with his own contributions. Whereas Mencius claims that human beings are originally good but argues for the necessity of self-cultivation, Xunzi claims that human beings are originally bad but argues that they can be reformed, even perfected, through self-cultivation. Also like Mencius, Xunzi sees li as the key to the cultivation of renxing . Although Xunzi condemns Mencius’ arguments in no uncertain terms, when one has risen above the smoke and din of the fray, one may see that the two thinkers share many assumptions, including one that links each to Confucius: the assumption that human beings can be transformed by participation in traditional aesthetic, moral, and social disciplines.

Later interpreters of Confucius’ thought between the Tang and Ming dynasties are often grouped together under the label of “ Neo-Confucianism .” This term has no cognate in classical Chinese, but is useful insofar as it unites several thinkers from disparate eras who share common themes and concerns. Thinkers such as Zhang Zai (Chang Tsai, 1020-1077 CE), Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE), and Wang Yangming (1472-1529 CE), while distinct from one another, agree on the primacy of Confucius as the fountainhead of the Confucian tradition, share Mencius’ understanding of human beings as innately good, and revere the “Five Classics” and “Four Books” associated with Confucius as authoritative sources for standards of ritual, moral, and social propriety. These thinkers also display a bent toward the cosmological and metaphysical which isolates them from the Confucius of the Analects , and betrays the influence of Buddhism and Daoism – two movements with little or no popular following in Confucius’ China — on their thought.

This cursory review of some seminal interpreters of Confucius’ thought illustrates a principle that ought to be followed by all who seek to understanding Confucius’ philosophical views: suspicion of the sources. All sources for reconstructing Confucius’ views, from the Analects on down, postdate the master and come from a hand other than his own, and thus all should be used with caution and with an eye toward possible influences from outside of fifth century BCE China.

10. References and Further Reading

• Allan, Sarah. The Way of Water and Sprouts of Virtue . Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997.
• Allinson, Robert E. “The Golden Rule as the Core Value in Confucianism and Christianity: Ethical Similarities and Differences.” Asian Philosophy 2/2 (1992): 173-185.
• Ames, Roger T., and Henry Rosemont, Jr., trans. The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. New York: Ballatine, 1998.
• Ames, Roger T. “The Focus-Field Self in Classical Confucianism,” in Self as Person in Asian Theory and Practice , ed. Roger T. Ames (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 187-212.
• Berthrong, John. “Trends in the Interpretation of Confucian Religiosity,” in The Confucian-Christian Encounter in Historical and Contemporary Perspective , ed. Peter K. H. Lee (Lewiston, ME: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 226-254.
• Boodberg, Peter A. “The Semasiology of Some Primary Confucian Concepts,” in Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg , ed. Alvin P. Cohen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 26-40.
• Brooks, E. Bruce and A. Taeko, trans. The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Successors . New York: Columbia University Press, 1998.
• Chan, Wing-tsit, ed. A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy . Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963.
• Cheng, Anne. “Lun-yü,” in Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide , ed. Michael Loewe (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993), 313-323.
• Creel, Herrlee G. Confucius and the Chinese Way . New York: Harper and Row, 1949.
• Creel, Herrlee G. “Was Confucius Agnostic?” T’oung Pao 29 (1935): 55-99.
• Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. “Confucius and the Analects in the Hàn,” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays , ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 134-162.
• Eno, Robert. The Confucian Creation of Heaven . Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.
• Fingarette, Herbert. Confucius — The Secular as Sacred . New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972.
• Graham, A. C. Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China . La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1989.
• Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. Thinking Through Confucius . Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987.
• Ivanhoe, Philip J. “Whose Confucius? Which Analects ?” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays , ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 119-133.
• Lau, D.C., trans. Confucius — The Analects . 2nd ed. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1992.
• Legge, James, trans. Confucius — Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean . New York: Dover Publications, 1971.
• Munro, Donald J. The Concept of Man In Early China . Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1969.
• Nivison, David S. “The Classical Philosophical Writings,” in The Cambridge History of Ancient China : From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C. , ed. Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 745-812.
• Nivison, David S. The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy . Ed. Bryan W. Van Norden. Chicago and La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1996.
• Schwartz, Benjamin I. The World of Thought in Ancient China . Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1985.
• Shryock, John K. The Origin and Development of the State Cult of Confucius . New York: Century Company, 1932.
• Taylor, Rodney L. “The Religious Character of the Confucian Tradition.” Philosophy East and West 48/1 (January 1998): 80-107.
• Tu, Wei-ming. “ Li as a Process of Humanization,” in Tu, Humanity and Self-Cultivation: Essays in Confucian Thought (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1979), 17-34.
• Van Norden, Bryan W. “Introduction,” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays , ed. Bryan W. Van Norden (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 3-38.
• Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of Confucius . New York: The MacMillan Company, 1938.

Author Information

Jeff Richey Email: [email protected] Berea College U. S. A.

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Confucius is the Latin name of the Great Master K’ung Chung-ni, an acclaimed and influential Chinese scholar and philosopher, who is recognized for laying the foundations of the very prevalent Chinese discipline of philosophy that is referred to as the ‘Ju’ or more commonly known as Confucianism.

Confucius was born as K’ung Ch’iu, in 551 BCE to the royal family of Shang. His family lived in Lu, a small town in Shantung, north-eastern China. Confucius is said have born from his father’s second marriage, his mother hailed from the Yen clan. His childhood years were marked with destitution as his family’s fortunes had declined considerably. Although Confucius belonged to the Shih, the name given to aristocracy, he had to acquire various different skills in order to survive rather than serve at the Royal court like other members of the shih. He is said to have studied under the tutelage of renowned Daoist Master, Lao Dan, and in addition to that, he also studied music and lute with Chang Hong and Xiang respectively.

Confucius began his professional career as a keeper of the Lu granary, and later, he was appointed as the supervisor of the fields. He had also worked as a book-keeper, clerk, cowherd and shepherd. However, all these occupations were peasantry in comparison with the offices held by other shih members. Confucius lost his mother at the age of 23, and this tragedy broke him down. He spent the next three years in mourning.

Confucius began teaching when he turned 32, he taught the ancient rituals to a minister’s son. Soon, he decided to leave Lu, and travelled to Lo-Yang, which was the imperial capital. In Lo-Yang, he studied the traditions and customs of the Chou Empire. Many historians have reported that Confucius was extremely close to the Prince of Lu, and upon reaching the age of 34, he accompanied the Prince on his voyage to a neighboring state because of the threat posed to the Prince’s life by his rivals.

Upon returning to Lu, Confucius resumed his teachings, and is said to have gathered an extremely large number of disciplines, approximately three thousand people. Everyone was welcome to attend his lectures and sermons. He believed that the teacher must not preach to his students, rather, he must strive to motivate them, and to encourage them to increase their knowledge and excel in their abilities. Confucius’ teachings were based on the six arts: calligraphy, music, chariot-driving, archery, computation and ritual. And above all these things, he gave utmost importance to inculcating in his students, a profound sense of integrity. His teachings strongly advocated the traditional values of propriety, ritual and benevolence. He put great emphasis on morality, government, and encouraged his students to educate themselves in language, speech and arts.

Confucius was appointed the Minister of Justice in Lu upon reaching the age of 51. His political status was eventually enhanced to the Prime Minister of Lu. The Prince of Lu continued to maintain his close ties with Confucius, and often consulted him on trivial matters. Under Confucius’s council, the state of Lu rose among the most prosperous and influential states of the dynasty. However, upon getting embroiled in certain misunderstanding with the Prince, Confucius decided to resign from his position and leave Lu.

Following his departure from Lu, Confucius travelled around for the next twelve years, searching for an opportunity to implement his political principals, however, no such opportunity presented itself, and at the age of 68, Confucius return to his native Lu. He remained there until his death, and refused all offers for a government position. Confucius died in 479 BC, at the age of 72.

Confucius made several literary contributions, which are hugely acclaimed and widely read in China, as well as, various other parts of the world. He has said to have compiled and edited a great number of iconic Chinese traditional classics. He is also credited with compiling a rearrangement of the ‘Book of Odes’ and the ‘Book of Documents’ . He wrote historical biographies on the 12 dukes of Lu, entitled ‘Spring and the Autumn Annals’ , a book that contains Confucius’ political and philosophical ideologies.

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