Education in support of the electoral process has become known as "voter education" where a voter is the primary target. There are a number of other areas of education required if an election is to be successful,. But these may variously be conducted by political parties and election administration officials. Voter education, on the other hand, is considered to be a separate and discreet function. It is usually identified as a function of the electoral authority and is occasionally subcontracted by them to private companies and civil society organisations. It is also fostered by public interest organisations independent of any mandate from the election authority.
What is Voter Education?
At its core, voter education is an enterprise designed to ensure that voters are ready, willing, and able to participate in electoral politics. It has been assumed that this entails election literacy and confidence that the electoral process is appropriate and effective in selecting governments and promoting policies that will benefit the individual voter.
Is Voter Education Sufficient for Democracy?
As indicated elsewhere in this topic area, voter education is essential to ensuring that voters can effectively exercise their voting rights and express their political will through the electoral process. If voters are not prepared or motivated to participate in the electoral process, then questions may arise about the legitimacy, representativeness, and responsiveness of elected leaders and institutions. At the same time, voter education is a much focused undertaking. It is targeted at eligible voters and addresses specific electoral events as well as the general electoral process. While voter education is a necessary component of the democractic electoral process, it is not sufficient for democracy.
Voter education needs to be supplemented by on-going civic education efforts in order to achieve the democratic participation and culture that flows from and is, in fact, the rationale for periodic elections. Civic education employs a broader perspective than voter education. It is concerned with citizens, rather than voters, and emphasizes the relationship between active citizenship and democratic society. It is understood that citizens must engage the political process routinely, not just at the time of elections (for more on this see Civic Education )
Certainly, participation in elections and the status of "voter" have a special weight in transitional countries holding founding elections and where the right to vote has been obtained through social struggle. As the democratic world moves toward a universal franchise, however, voting is viewed as one of the many ways in which citizens participate in and support democracy.
International Comparisons
The scope of voter education efforts required in any given country will depend upon a variety of factors. Does the country have a long history of democratic elections, or is this a founding or transitional election? Is voter registration mandatory or voluntary? Who is responsible for voter registration? Has the franchise been extended to include new groups of voters? Have there been changes to the system of representation or the voting process? Do the electoral process and political institutions enjoy the confidence of the electorate? Is the election campaign open and competitive? Have voter education efforts been undertaken in the past? Is there an on-going civic education effort? The answers to all of these questions and more will impact on the nature and reach of the voter education programme.
Whose Responsibility?
While voter information is certainly the responsibility of the election authority, voter education can easily be viewed as the responsibility of both of the election authority and civil society. A variety of other government agencies may also have some role in informing and educating citizens. The mandate of the election authority or other government agencies may be determined on the law, while civil society organisations may have, as part of their mission, a commitment to voter education and citizen political participation.
The need to educate people to take part in elections is not at issue. Whether these people are children or adults, there are many educational needs that relate to the conduct of elections. But there are also the needs related to active participation in competitive politics. One educational activity involves the use of mock or parallel elections. In Chile, for example, children accompany their parents to the polls on Election Day and actually cast ballots in a parallel election. In other cases, mock election activities may either be narrowly focused on voting behavior or incorporate the entire electoral campaign. Having children run for election or campaign for others provides important lessons that cannot be learned through an approach that focuses solely on Election Day activities.
Aims of Traditional Voter Education
Traditional voter education aims to create of a climate of knowledgeable participation by all potential voters in a forthcoming election. Is also seeks to enable potential voters to cast their votes with confidence.
These objectives may also be achieved through other interventions, and educators will want to establish programmes that work in conjunction with initiatives that address such issues as voter security, basic voting procedures, accessible voting stations, and lively but nonviolent and least intimidating campaigns on the part of candidates.
Balancing voter education programmes against these other interventions is important in ensuring that budgets are not inflated. Costs of voter education programmes can and should be based on cost-per-voter estimates. It may be argued, and is on occasion argued, that elections, however expensive, are cheaper than war or endemic community conflict. This is true, but the purpose of democratic elections is to ensure ongoing periodic elections, and this cannot be done extravagantly forever. Costs need to be weighed carefully and cost effective programmes developed. Sometimes this may require constraining the objectives that really have to be achieved by the programme in order to have an effective election.
Timing of Information
The timing of voter education may - or may not - be the same as that of a voter information programme, although they are likely to run concurrently at some points. In particular, the timing of a voter education programme may depend upon the duration of the programme, the institution undertaking the programme, the mandate or mission of that institution, the parameters of the programme, the types of instructional materials being developed, and the needs of the target group(s).
In settings where there is no permanent election authority and where resources are limited, a voter education programme may only be conducted at the time of elections and in conjunction with any voter information efforts. In some cases, voter education may be initiated somewhat earlier than voter information, particularly if major changes are being made to a country's system of representation and legal framework for elections, where the franchise is being extended, and where significant changes are made to political and electoral processes. In countries with longer standing democracies and where there is a permanent election authority and sufficient resources, however, voter education may be an on-going activity. Depending upon the mandate of the election authority and the mission of certain civil society organisations, voter education may be handled through a broader civic education program as a component thereof.
If conducted through the school system, a voter education short course may also be incorporated as part of a broader civic education curriculum. This course might be offered to children of various ages, or only to those approaching voting age. The amount of time spent on voter education in this case may also depend upon the depth and breadth of the course in question. Role playing, mock campaigns and elections, and learning exercises both inside and out of the classroom may be included. Activities might be limited to a particular class or include all classes and a number of grades. There might even be competitions between schools. The more thorough and complex the course, the greater amount of time that will need to be dedicated. Additional information on simulations can also be found under Simulations
Messages and Methods
Helping citizens understand and participate in elections, other than as a contestant or supporter of a contestant (an important and under exploited form of education),requires concentration on a few key concerns. These seem to have somewhat universal significance, although each election may have its own special features.
Educators will also have methodological considerations. These are addressed in Potential Programme Elements . Various programme elements may be appropriate depending on the resources available and the objectives that have been set by the education organisation or, alternatively, by the organisation sponsoring the programme. Methodological variations demonstrate that voter education falls between "voter information" and "civic education".
Standard Voter Education Messages
Voter educators make use of certain standard messages. Standardisation implies two things.
There are four general messages that all voter education programmes will communicate. This will require that educators work with content specialists to ensure that the messages are discussed in ways that have meaning for the particular country in which democracy is being developed. Each country has its own history, and this history provides organising themes and democratic myths as well as procedural and principled nuances that will require a different treatment from that prepared even in a neighbouring country. It is possible, however, to outline the concerns that are likely to be addressed in each area.
Developing these arguments is essential, as it is possible that there will be those who may think that elections could be conducted without such conditions being in place. In India, the election authority must determine whether such conditions are present before allowing an election to proceed. But there have been other times, in other places, when elections have been used to develop credibility and apparent legitimacy for a government that has no intention of ensuring that the necessary democratic rights are present during an election period.
It is not enough, however, merely to concentrate on roles and responsibilities. Educators must also consider the rights to a free and fair election. Helping voters understand these rights facilitates election monitoring by all citizens and not just specialised groups. It ensures oversight of both candidates and the election administration.
Apart from the numbers game, voters need to be made aware that each individual vote has weight in determining the rights that they have over the elected party or representative once the election has been won or lost. If a representative relationship cannot be formed between citizens and elected officials, citizens may begin to feel that their vote does not, in fact, count for much.
In these circumstances, examples of matters that are secret, or that cannot be found out, provide educators with potential metaphors for the voting process. And there may be alternative approaches. Perhaps the most powerful is when elections are repeated and no dire consequences befall voters. But election legislation will have to back up the message by considering carefully the manner in which counting of votes takes place and results are announced. An individual vote may be secret, but a community preference may not, and this can have equally important consequences.
Other Messages
Each election will have an additional set of standard messages appropriate for the particular election. In many cases, these messages will include a catch phrase that can be used for shorter communications such as stickers, posters and clothing. These messages need to be prepared by educators in a form that can be widely used. They may even form part of a fax data bank so that educators with access to the correct telephone and fax facilities can dial in and obtain copies of the messages for further use and distribution. Those countries with e-mail and Internet access can provide distribution through these means.
In addition to these standard messages, there is an additional standard message tool that has obtained wide currency and may even be the most important and widely distributed document prepared by an education programme. This is the Frequently Asked Questions document.
Frequently Asked Questions
From the very beginning of an election, educators will start collecting lists of questions being asked in workshops, in telephone calls, and by election staff as they are recruited and trained. These questions should be catalogued and categorised. When there is an initial list of about ten questions, succinct answers should be prepared and the document containing the question followed by the answer made available in as many ways as possible.
Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) list may be altered many times during the course of an election. Additional questions will be added, and additional information will be available that might change current answers or add to them. Someone should be given the task of keeping the list up to date and distributing it.
Because it will change often, and may be sent out by fax or e-mail, or even distributed at training workshops, it is essential that every version be numbered, dated, and in the last days before an election even timed. If the FAQs are being prepared by an organisation or by the electoral authority, it should have a cover that gives all the details of the organisation that prepared and distributed it, together with ways of making direct contact for further information.
There may be separate FAQs for election administration staff and for educators. It is important to understand that different people have different questions. Whatever the case, this summary of all the concerns that people have about the election and the short and authoritative answers will be a tool that can have an impact that will more than justify its preparation costs.
Basic voter education.
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Hansi Lo Wang
A sign saying “Register & vote!” is on display at the King County elections office in Renton, Wash., in 2020. Jason Redmond/AFP via Getty Images hide caption
In these final months before this fall’s election, Republican officials are ramping up attacks on a three-year-old executive order President Biden issued to try to get more eligible voters signed up to cast ballots.
The order calls for federal agencies to promote voter registration and participation in ways that are “consistent with applicable law.” Many election experts see the effort as a worthwhile attempt to take advantage of the regular interactions eligible voters have with the government and address long-standing barriers to the ballot, including those facing people of color , those with disabilities , those in federal custody and those serving overseas in the U.S. military .
“It is our duty to ensure that registering to vote and the act of voting be made simple and easy for all those eligible to do so,” the 2021 order says.
But now, as the Democratic president faces reelection, his order has sparked growing pushback from the right, most recently congressional subpoenas to agency directors from the GOP-controlled House Administration Committee and an attempt by a group of Republican state lawmakers in Pennsylvania to get the U.S. Supreme Court to take up a dismissed lawsuit over the order.
Backed with no substantial evidence, GOP lawmakers and state election officials, along with right-wing activists, have launched a barrage of claims that the Biden administration is using this order to overstep the federal government’s role in elections, garner more Democratic voters and register non-U.S. citizens, who cannot legally vote in federal elections.
“This Executive Order is another attempt by the Biden Administration to tilt the scales ahead of 2024,” Republican Rep. Bryan Steil of Wisconsin, chair of the House Administration Committee, said this month in a press release referencing “Bidenbucks,” what has become shorthand for unsubstantiated allegations that the administration is misusing federal tax dollars to benefit Biden’s reelection campaign.
What the order has actually done, however, has not fully satisfied its supporters.
A few federal agencies have started new partnerships with states to help with voter registration, and others have released guides, mailers and updated websites. But it’s unclear how many new voter registration applications the order has yielded so far.
A main part of Biden’s order builds on existing federal laws that have carved out roles for federal agencies in the process of signing up voters.
“It's a nudge encouraging federal agencies to do more to help people register,” says Dan Tokaji, an election law expert, who serves as dean of the University of Wisconsin Law School. “Until recently, the complaints were really the federal government wasn't doing enough, not that they were doing too much to advance voter registration.”
Under the National Voter Registration Act , states must designate U.S. military recruitment offices in their state as official voter registration agencies, which are required to distribute registration forms, help people fill them out and hand off completed forms to state election officials — all with restrictions on any partisan activity.
States can also partner with other local offices of the federal government to designate them as voter registration agencies.
“But there was no real fire under them to do that,” Tokaji explains.
Since Biden’s order, Kentucky and Michigan have announced voter registration designations for Veterans Affairs facilities in their states, and the White House has touted designations for a tribal university in Kansas and a tribal college in New Mexico operated by the Department of the Interior’s Bureau of Indian Education. Michigan has also said it’s made an agreement to send state election officials to register eligible voters at local outreach events organized by the U.S. Small Business Administration.
In December 2023, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat, designated the Detroit Veterans Affairs Medical Center, shown here in 2014, as a voter registration agency in the state. Paul Sancya/AP hide caption
Partisan fights over voting policy have intensified since former President Donald Trump’s administration, and Biden’s order has become the latest target for Republican critics.
The order directed federal agencies to submit to the White House strategic plans on how they can promote voter registration and participation. While some of those plans were made public after Freedom of Information Act requests by right-wing activist groups, many GOP officials have slammed the administration for a lack of transparency.
West Virginia Secretary of State Mac Warner recently led a group of GOP state election officials in a friend-of-the-court brief to the Supreme Court for the lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the order. In March, U.S. District Judge Jennifer Wilson, a Trump appointee, dismissed the lawsuit after finding that the Republican state lawmakers who brought it do not have legal standing, or the right to sue.
Still, in an April press release , Warner called Biden’s order “Federal overreach.”
“West Virginia will emphatically not give up our State’s duty to register voters in a nonpartisan manner to the Federal Government, nor will we accept voter registration forms collected by Federal agents,” Warner’s statement declared.
The state has not announced any partnerships with federal offices on voter registration since the order’s release. But asked by NPR whether Warner considers U.S. military recruitment offices — from which West Virginia is required to accept completed forms — as “Federal agents,” Michael Queen, a spokesperson for Warner, clarified in an email that “West Virginia will follow all state and federal laws concerning the acceptance of voter registration forms.”
West Virginia Secretary of State Mac Warner, a Republican, recently led a group of GOP state election officials in a friend-of-the-court brief to the Supreme Court for a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of President Biden's executive order. Jeff Dean/AP hide caption
Claims about Biden’s order “federalizing” the voter registration process leave out key context from the National Voter Registration Act, says Justin Levitt, a professor at Loyola Law School of Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles, who, before leaving the Biden administration in 2022, helped carry out the executive order as the White House’s senior policy adviser for democracy and voting rights.
“States have to start the dance,” Levitt says, referencing how the federal law leaves it up to states’ discretion to designate federal offices as voter registration agencies, in addition to the required designations for military recruitment offices. And some states have chosen to do that “in order to make life a little bit more convenient for people seeking service from federal agencies,” Levitt adds.
Aside from claims that the administration is overstepping its authority, some Republican officials have also started linking Biden’s order to concerns about noncitizens voting in federal elections — a rare and illegal practice.
In March, Mississippi Secretary of State Michael Watson wrote to the Justice Department about new requirements for prisoners in the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service to be notified of the right to ask for voter registration information from the facility where they’re being held. Citing concerns that “this program could lead to the registration of illegal aliens in Mississippi,” Watson wrote it is “quite shocking” that the Biden administration “has chosen to expend tax dollars and vital law enforcement resources on a program that risks bloating state voter rolls with ineligible and non-citizen voters.”
Asked by NPR for any evidence that a noncitizen in the U.S. marshals’ custody was encouraged to illegally register to vote because of this new requirement, Watson did not directly respond, saying instead in a statement: “Witnessing the secrecy surrounding the White House, Department of Justice, and most every other federal agency from whom we have asked for answers, we, nor anyone else, have any idea how deeply imbedded Executive Order 14019 has become and who may or may not be acting on it.”
The addition of talking points about noncitizen voting to Republican critiques of Biden’s order shows how it has become a “blank slate” for claims that risk undermining faith in elections, says Brendan Fischer, deputy executive director of Documented, an investigative watchdog group focused on threats to democracy, who has been tracking right-wing reaction to the order.
“There was nothing in the executive order that changed since it was issued in 2021. There's no evidence that I've seen that the executive order has resulted in noncitizens being registered to vote in any substantial numbers. But the messaging has shifted as the November 2024 election becomes closer and as immigration continues to be a major issue in the campaign,” Fischer adds.
Robyn Patterson, a White House spokesperson, said in a statement that GOP claims against the order are “baseless” and “brought by the very people who spread debunked lies about the 2020 elections and have used those same debunked lies to advance laws across the nation that make it harder to vote and easier to undermine the will of the people.”
“The Biden-Harris Administration will continue working to protect the voting rights of every eligible American regardless of their political affiliation,” Patterson added.
Many voting rights groups, however, say that some of the federal agencies have been slow to carry out the executive order’s full intent.
In a 2023 progress report , a coalition of groups led by The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights outlined recommendations for agencies that the organizations said could generate an additional 3.5 million voter registration applications a year.
One proposal is to add a question about voter registration to health insurance applications on HealthCare.gov — a move that Sara Lonardo, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services, says the agency “continues to actively explore" in time for the next open enrollment period, which is set to start Nov. 1, four days before voting ends for this year's general elections.
“I think all of the agencies could still do more to fulfill the letter and the spirit of the executive order,” says Leslie Proll, senior director of the voting rights program at The Leadership Conference.
Proll notes that “because it was a fairly novel idea that agencies look at their own programs and make sure that they are promoting voter registration, some of them took longer to get going in the process.”
“With the tsunami of voter suppression unleashed 11 years ago, when the Supreme Court's Shelby County decision gutted the hearts of the Voting Rights Act, it has become much harder for voters of color to register and, frankly, to stay registered to vote,” Proll adds. “And so this order does something in terms of trying to close that gap.”
Exactly how much progress the order has made, however, is murky.
In 2022, the White House announced two tribal schools operated by the Interior Department’s Bureau of Indian Education — Haskell Indian Nations University in Kansas and the Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute in New Mexico — as the first federal programs to be designated by states as voter registration agencies under the National Voter Registration Act since Biden’s order.
But asked by NPR for the numbers of completed registration forms collected by these programs, spokespeople for the Interior Department and the secretaries of state for Kansas and New Mexico did not provide any figures.
A statement from Whitney Tempel, a spokesperson for Kansas Secretary of State Scott Schwab, a Republican, however, noted that state election officials considered Haskell to be a voter registration agency long before Biden’s order.
“The U.S. Department of Interior kept reaching out to the Governor and our office for a proclamation to deem the university a voter registration agency. This was simply a public relations strategy from the Biden administration,” Tempel said in an email, adding that “the 2022 proclamation didn’t change anything, as Haskell University has been a voter registration agency for over 20 years.”
In response, Interior spokesperson Melissa Schwartz said in a statement that the department is “grateful” that both Kansas and New Mexico “engaged in productive conversations to provide documentation identifying the federal and state laws to designate voter registration agencies.”
Haskell University’s designation “comes with a great responsibility and honor,” Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly, a Democrat, says in the proclamation for the school , “as voter registration is the foundation of our Democracy and electoral process.”
Edited by Benjamin Swasey
FILE - A QR code sign is displayed at Florida Atlantic University April 11, 2024, in Boca Raton, Fla. for students to register to vote. A three-year-old Biden executive order asking federal agencies to prioritize voter registration is being targeted by Republicans as this year’s presidential election draws closer and has become entangled in the politics of immigration. (AP Photo/Cody Jackson, File)
FILE - President Joe Biden speaks in support of changing the Senate filibuster rules that have stalled voting rights legislation, at Atlanta University Center Consortium, on the grounds of Morehouse College and Clark Atlanta University, Jan. 11, 2022, in Atlanta. A three-year-old Biden executive order asking federal agencies to prioritize voter registration is being targeted by Republicans as this year’s presidential election draws closer and has become entangled in the politics of immigration. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky, File)
ATLANTA (AP) — Republicans and conservative activists have increasingly been targeting an executive order issued three years ago by the Biden administration that is intended to boost voter registration, claiming it’s unconstitutional and an attempt to interfere in the November election.
A recent fundraising email sent by a GOP political action committee is an example of how they are framing the order, saying it compels federal agencies “to act as Biden’s personal ‘Get-Out-The-Vote’ machine.”A Republican-led House committee recently issued subpoenas to agency directors and a group of GOP secretaries of state asked the Supreme Court to take up a case challenging the order.
Despite the pushback on the right, there has been no indication the order favors voters of one party over another.
White House spokesperson Robyn Patterson said the administration will continue to protect the voting rights of eligible citizens regardless of political affiliation. Biden issued the order in 2021 as Republican legislatures across the country were debating a wave of state voting restrictions amid the false claims that widespread fraud had cost former President Donald Trump reelection.
“These are baseless claims brought by the very people who spread debunked lies about the 2020 elections and have used those same debunked lies to advance laws across the nation that make it harder to vote and easier to undermine the will of the people,” Patterson said in a statement.
Here’s a look at what the order does, what federal agencies have done so far to comply with it and what Republicans are saying about it.
What to know about the 2024 Election
Biden issued the executive order on March 7, 2021, noting the federal government’s “duty to ensure that registering to vote and the act of voting be made simple and easy for all those eligible to do so” and that it would be implemented “consistent with applicable law.” Agency leaders were asked to submit a strategic plan within 200 days.
The order directed updates to the federal website vote.gov, including ensuring that voting information be made available in more than a dozen languages. The site is not engaged in registering voters directly, but instead connects visitors with state and local election offices to begin the registration process.
The order specifically mentions the Department of Defense and asks it to establish procedures to provide active-duty military personnel the opportunity each year to register, update their voter registration information or request an absentee ballot.
It also directs the Department of Justice to provide educational materials about registration and voting to those in federal custody as they prepare to be released, along with information about rules that might prohibit them from voting.
A year after the order was issued, congressional Republicans sent a letter to the White House raising concerns that the administration had exceeded its authority and was directing federal agencies to engage in activities beyond their mission.
Republicans said the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Food and Nutrition Service had informed state agencies that the costs of providing voter registration services were allowable administrative expenses under the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and could be “reimbursed at the 50 percent level.”
“Using the nation’s multi-billion-dollar nutrition program to implement the Biden Administration’s voter registration scheme is not only a cause for concern, but one that necessitates further scrutiny,” the Republicans wrote.
What the letter didn’t say, according to a former White House official who helped implement the order, is that states administer the food assistance program and that states were specifically directed to provide voter registration information under a federal law passed years ago.
Justin Levitt, who served as a senior policy adviser at the White House, also said the agency was only reiterating previous guidance that those expenses were reimbursable.
A few months later, Republicans sent letters to federal agencies requesting information about their plans to comply with the order. They also included repealing the executive order in a broad elections bill they introduced last year.
Last month, the chairman of the Committee on House Administration sent letters requesting documents related to the order and set a two-week deadline to comply. The chairman, Wisconsin Republican Rep. Bryan Steil, then issued subpoenas. He called the federal order “another attempt by the Biden Administration to tilt the scales ahead of 2024.”
A White House official said the Office of Management and Budget had sent an initial response and other agencies were working on responding to the committee when it issued the subpoenas.
While federal agencies have not published their proposals, they have announced steps they’ve taken to comply with the order.
Levitt, a lawyer and expert on constitutional law, described the order as groundbreaking but limited in scope. Although federal law allows agencies to help with voter registration, he said military recruitment offices were the only ones doing it before Biden issued the executive order. He also said a federal agency can do this only if a state requests it.
“Most of what the agencies have done is directly what states have asked them to do or clarified the rules to make sure people know what the rules are,” Levitt said.
Kansas and New Mexico designated two Native American colleges run by the U.S. Department of Interior as voter registration agencies. Kentucky and Michigan have said they will designate Veterans Administration offices in their states. Michigan also plans to add offices of the federal Small Business Administration.
A group of Republicans, who serve as their state’s top election officials, also has been critical of the order, calling it federal overreach into states’ administration of elections.
West Virginia Secretary of State Mac Warner sent a letter in May 2022 asking Biden to rescind it and spoke against it when testifying before Congress last year. A few months ago, he issued a statement saying his state would refuse to accept any voter registration forms collected by federal agencies.
“Adding federal agencies to an already complex administrative process will make it even more challenging for election officials to ensure timely and accurate registration services before the election,” he said in a statement in April.
In May, Warner joined eight other GOP secretaries of state to file a brief in the U.S. Supreme Court asking the justices to take a case challenging the order. The others were from Arkansas, Indiana, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, New Hampshire, Tennessee and Wyoming.
The court rebuffed a plea to take up and decide the case by the end of June, and won’t consider it for the first time until the justices’ first private conference in early fall. In the unlikely event the court agrees to hear the case, arguments wouldn’t take place before early next year.
Republicans who oppose the executive order have labeled it “Bidenbucks,” an apparent reference to the controversy that erupted after the 2020 election when Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg provided more than $350 million to a nonprofit that was later distributed to election offices. Republicans have claimed the “Zuckerbucks” effort was an attempt to benefit Democrats.
David Becker, a former Justice Department lawyer who leads the Center for Election Innovation & Research, said the timing of the ramped-up criticism — years after Biden issued the executive order and just months before the presidential election — is noteworthy.
“It’s being portrayed as some deep-state power grab, when in reality it’s an effort to ensure that eligible citizens who are engaging with the federal government can easily register or have their registration updated,” Becker said. “It is as innocuous as an order gets.”
He said an important benefit of the federal order is that voters already registered are provided opportunities to update their information. That ensures more accurate voter rolls, something Republicans have said is needed.
“It’s good for election integrity. It’s good for participation,” Becker said. “This didn’t used to be controversial.”
Associated Press writer Mark Sherman in Washington contributed to this report.
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(These are policies like voter education programs in schools and programs that allow teens to serve as poll workers.) Use this information to create and support opportunities for engagement for young people under 18, such as facilitating registration and GOTV in high schools.
VOTER REGISTRATION. Current Applicable Law. Under the . Higher Education Act, institutions of higher education are required to make "a good faith effort to distribute a mail voter registration form, requested and received from the State, to each student enrolled in a degree or certificate program and physically in attendance at the
NextGen Voters the organization's nonpartisan voter registration and education program. About NextGen's 2022 Program. NextGen America is embarking on a $32 million voter-outreach program aimed at reaching 9.2 million voters between the ages of 18 and 35 in eight key states in 2022. The program calls for on-the-ground field organizing in ...
Dudley students and teachers consider voter education a part of the school's historic legacy of student engagement; Dudley was the first black high school in the state, and it was central to the ...
Voter Ed is Spread The Vote's civic and voter education program. Voter Ed is designed to help Spread The Vote accomplish its mission of closing the gap between registered voters and voter turnout by educating and energizing voters. As a way to engage the voting population and support discussions about voting 365 days a year, each month, Voter ...
Voter Education. Voter education means providing citizens of a democracy with basic information about participating in elections. Voter education is often provided by the state itself, often through a national electoral commission, so it is therefore important that it is politically non-partisan. Government departments that focus on voter ...
The U.S. Department of Education (Department) today released a "Toolkit for the Promotion of Voter Participation for Students" to provide resources for educational institutions to help them identify and implement actions to assist eligible students with voter registration and voting.Recognizing that our nation's schools, colleges, and universities have a critical role in promoting civic ...
The Department of Education will prepare a tool kit of resources and strategies for increasing civic engagement at the elementary school, secondary school, and higher education level, helping more ...
Voter education is the act of providing voters with basic information about the voting process and elections. Voter education materials can be delivered through events, websites, mailings, and advertising. Some topics covered by voter education materials include how to register to vote, viewing a sample ballot, or providing information about ...
While voter education is a necessary component of the democractic electoral process, it is not sufficient for democracy. Voter education needs to be supplemented by on-going civic education efforts in order to achieve the democratic participation and culture that flows from and is, in fact, the rationale for periodic elections.
Assembling a committee dedicated to voter education. ... or conduct voter education. The program increases future voters' knowledge of the electoral process, and has seen impressive results. Over 38,500 students have participated in Future Vote since 2004. In Watertown, Minnesota, election officials also recruit younger students to assist in ...
Democracy Class is a free, nonpartisan curriculum that educates high school students about the importance and history of voting and pre-registers and registers them to vote. Educators will have access to additional lesson plans featuring: The history and importance of voting. Modern-day voting rights. The importance of local elections.
Voter education and outreach increase the meaningful participation of all eligible voters. Active voter engagement is the bedrock of a healthy democracy. Well-informed voters are more civically and politically engaged, and more likely to vote and hold their representatives accountable through elections. IFES supports local partners to build ...
National Voter Education Week ("NVEW") is a collaborative project led by the Students Learn Students Vote Coalition, a project of NEO Philanthropy, a 501(c)(3) organization. NEO Philanthropy is strictly nonpartisan, and does not support or oppose any candidate or party. No actions of any NVEW Steering Committee Member, Partner, Creative or ...
The SABE Voter Education Toolkit includes 8-10 hours of training about registering to vote, voter rights and responsibilities, how to learn about candidates and issues, different ways that people vote, and how to increase partnerships between self-advocacy groups and protection and advocacy organizations. All of the SABE Voter Education Toolkit ...
Voter Education Project (VEP) raised and distributed foundation funds to civil rights organizations for voter education and registration work in the southern United States from 1962 to 1992. The project was federally endorsed by the Kennedy administration in hopes that the organizations of the ongoing Civil Rights Movement would shift their focus away from demonstrations and more towards the ...
Our voter education efforts impact the national dialogue through polling, research, get out the vote initiatives, and issue advocacy. Over the years, the ABA Voter Education program has partnered with our State Association Alliance to educate voters nationwide on pro-banking issues. The program's issue advocacy, polling, research and "Get ...
Topic Index. Basic Voter Education. Overview. Education in support of the electoral process has become known as "voter education" where a voter is the primary target. There are a number of other areas of education required if an election is to be successful,. But these may variously be conducted by political parties and election administration ...
Access educational and online tools for teachers and students, including lesson plans, apps, and games to advance learning in the classroom at no cost.
The Department protects the public's health and safety by licensing more than one million business and health professionals; promotes the integrity of the electoral process; supports economic development through corporate registrations and transactions; maintains registration and financial information for thousands of charities, and sanctions professional boxing, kick-boxing, wrestling and ...
Three years after President Biden issued an executive order for boosting voter registration, GOP officials are ramping up efforts to turn it into a partisan flash point before this fall's election.
1 of 2 | . FILE - A QR code sign is displayed at Florida Atlantic University April 11, 2024, in Boca Raton, Fla. for students to register to vote. A three-year-old Biden executive order asking federal agencies to prioritize voter registration is being targeted by Republicans as this year's presidential election draws closer and has become entangled in the politics of immigration.
President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump faced off during CNN's presidential debate in Atlanta Thursday night.
Whether a student qualifies for aid depends on the length of the program. A student enrolled in a program that is at least 600 clock hours - equivalent to 16 semester or trimester credit hours ...
The U.S. Department of Education (Department) today announced more than $44.5 million for 22 grants under the Rural Postsecondary and Economic Development (RPED) program to improve rates of postsecondary enrollment, persistence, and completion among rural students through the development of high-quality career pathways aligned to high-skill, high-wage, and in-demand industry sectors and ...