research articles discussing the experiences of lgbtq in the philippines

Balangaw: Lived Experiences of LGBT Students in the Midst of Pandemic

Pinaga, R. B. (2023). Balangaw: Lived experiences of LGBT students in the midst of Pandemic. Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research). https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8146137

13 Pages Posted: 18 Jul 2023

Rosmar Pinaga

Central philippines state university-candoni campus.

Date Written: July 11, 2023

Gloc-9's song "Sirena" has proved immensely popular and contentious in the Philippines, especially among the LGBT community, which is the song's primary subject matter. This song depicts the experiences of LGBT members starting from childhood up to adulthood by portraying an image of how LGBT people deal with their sexual preferences and how society establishes its perception of LGBT people. Thus, in a conservative and traditional Filipino culture, religious beliefs, cultural standards, norms, and family expectations are the dominant components that impact LGBT individuals' coping with their sexuality. Furthermore, this research employed Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) by Ferrer et al. (2021) to describe the participants' lived experiences, challenges, and coping mechanisms for the darkest experiences of LGBT students amidst this COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, the study's implications were discussed, and recommendations were suggested.

Keywords: LGBT, discrimination, bullying

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Rosmar Pinaga (Contact Author)

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Decoder: How ‘Bakla’ Explains the Struggle for Queer Identity in the Philippines

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How ‘Bakla’ Explains the Struggle for Queer Identity in the Philippines

The tagalog word eludes western concepts of gender and sexuality—and offers a window into lgbtq+ filipinos’ quest for acceptance..

• Human Rights
• Southeast Asia

Pride Month in the Philippines this year was decidedly spirited: Emerging from one of the longest COVID-19 lockdowns in the world, tens of thousands of people flocked to events organized by advocacy groups throughout the country to protest abuses against members of the LGBTQ+ and other marginalized communities, stand up for human rights, exchange ideas, watch speeches and performances, provide mutual support, and revel in one another’s company. “Happy Pride, mga bakla !” (“Happy Pride, queers!”) was a common refrain, charged with a celebratory energy that has not always been present for queer Filipinos.

But despite being home to the first Pride March in Asia and some of the largest pride celebrations in the region since, the Philippines has a long way to go in terms of ensuring the safety and dignity of LGBTQ+ Filipinos, who have few legal protections and are often targets of aggression, even brutality . An anti-discrimination bill has languished in the legislature for around two decades. Police periodically conduct raids , without warrants, of venues frequented by queer people, who are then subjected to verbal abuse, extortion, and unlawful detention.

The Tagalog word bakla might be seen as an index of the struggles that LGBTQ+ Filipinos still deal with. Although it serves as a marker of identity and as a potential means of forging community, the term is also burdened by an oppressive past that shapes its unsettled present.

There have been efforts to reclaim bakla from its pejorative past—resembling, to some degree, efforts to transform “queer” from a slur into a badge of affirmation.

Variously translated as “drag queen,” “gay,” “hermaphrodite,” “homosexual,” “queer,” “third sex,” and “transgender,” bakla shows how in the Philippines, as in many places around the world, gender and sexuality are imagined and lived out in connection with concepts and categories that Western lenses can’t fully account for. Even as LGBTQ+ discourse has taken root in the Philippines, providing queer Filipinos and their peers around the world with a shared language to build solidarity with, it is inevitably inflected by local understandings of personhood. In his landmark study of Philippine gay culture, literary critic J. Neil Garcia notes that the defining characteristic of the bakla has been—and, to a large extent, continues to be—effeminacy rather than the object of the bakla’s sexual desire. Thus, bakla refers more to gender than to sexuality. However, in popular usage, it is liable to encapsulate both. 

Among Filipinos, bakla likely first conjures up the image of a man who wears clothes and makeup meant for women and is predisposed to flamboyant speech and mannerisms. This figure of the effeminate man has long been present in the Philippines. Documents dating back to the 16th century during Spanish colonization allude to people known as, among other things, “ asog ”: men who assumed the appearance and behavior of women to such a degree that an observer would have difficulty distinguishing between an asog and a woman. 

Asog and their ilk throughout the archipelago engaged in what might be most accurately described as gender-crossing. For all practical purposes, they were treated as women, and they married and had sexual relations with men. Like women, asog were well respected in early colonial—and, presumably, pre-colonial—Philippine society. Only women and asog could take on the prestigious role of “ babaylan ,” mediating between the human and the spirit worlds, treating the sick and wounded, and acting as religious and political leaders.

In spite of Filipinos’ subversion, resistance, and hostility, agents of Spanish subjugation endeavored to overhaul Indigenous people’s ways of life. Notably, members of the Catholic clergy branded sexual acts outside of marriage between a man and a woman as sinful and unnatural. Over some 300 years, babaylan lost their spiritual authority to the Catholic Church, women were relegated to the confines of the home or convent, and asog found themselves demeaned by society and ridiculed as bakla.

Some of the definitions for “ bacla ,” an earlier spelling, in an 1860 Tagalog-Castilian dictionary are telling: to beguile or deceive with luster or beauty, to heal with feigned words, and to be frightened of a new thing. In Tagalog writings from the 19th century up to before World War II, bakla signified a passing phase of confusion, cowardice, fear, indecision, or weakness. Although the word is no longer used in these ways, bakla still bristles with a host of negative connotations, especially following its conflation with the (male) homosexual. Following Garcia’s account, this conflation can be traced back to around the turn of the 20th century, when the United States acquired the Philippines from Spain and imposed new modes of thought about gender and sexuality—such as the concept of homosexuality and its pathologization as a disorder. 

A Filipino protester holds up a painted sign at dusk that reads “ Fight 4 Intersectional LGBTQ+ ” during a Pride parade and protest in Manila, Philippines, on June 28. Jes Aznar/Getty Images

Thus, it is not surprising that bakla today is still used as an insult. Former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, notorious for his penchant for violence, has denounced several of his critics as bakla, from a rival candidate for president to the chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights to the U.S. ambassador to the Philippines . Duterte has also remarked on a number of occasions that he used to be bakla but “ nagamot ko ang sarili ko ” (“I cured myself”)—giving voice to the conventional belief in the country that being bakla is similar to having a disease.

This stigma manifests in other forms. Consider how the relationship between two celebrities, comedian Vice Ganda and model Ion Perez, has played out in the public eye. Ganda has referred to herself as bakla and nonbinary, with no pronoun preferences. Perez has described himself as a straight man and responded with anger when tagged as bakla. In 2021, to mark their third anniversary as a couple, the two underwent a commitment ceremony in Las Vegas. Regardless of their open expressions of love, Vice and Perez have had to weather persistent rumors that Perez is just bilking his wealthier and more famous partner. It is a common stereotype that the bakla must purchase the affections of a man and will be abandoned once the bakla has been drained of funds or the man has fallen in love with a woman.

There has been a variety of responses to bakla and its adverse history from the people it purports to designate, such as other members of the LGBTQ+ community and their allies, from adaptation to rehabilitation to rejection. These responses are nuanced by factors like socioeconomic status, geographical location, and access to information on developments in such fields as human rights, law, mass media, medicine, psychology, and public health—and how these bear on gender and sexuality.

Bakla is used matter-of-factly as a self-descriptor and between bakla and their friends as a greeting or a term of endearment. Diminutives, such as “ baks ” and “ accla ,” proliferate, as do alternatives like “ badaf ” and “ bading ,” which are seen as less demeaning. The English words “gay” and “queer” are also in use; these must be understood in connection with long-standing inequalities in Philippine society, in that bakla tends to indicate a person of lower class and status, usually caricatured as a swishy beauty parlor worker. (Many bakla pursue careers in the beauty, fashion, or entertainment industries.)

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Transgender women, meanwhile, have sought to endow their existence with greater precision than bakla affords, with a group of advocates coining the term “transpinay”—a portmanteau of “transgender” and “Pinay,” the latter an informal word for “Filipino woman”—in 2008.

Moreover, there have been efforts to reclaim bakla from its pejorative past—resembling, to some degree, efforts to transform “queer” from a slur into a badge of affirmation. In the 1980s, gay and lesbian activists set up a group named BANANA, which stood for Baklang Nagkakaisa Tungo sa Nasyonalismo (“Bakla United Toward Nationalism”), and participated in protests against the government. In the 1990s, an LGBTQ+ student organization based in the state-run University of the Philippines, called UP Babaylan—a homage to the pre-colonial shaman—produced T-shirts for its members that said “ Bakla ako ” (“I’m bakla”) on the front and “ May angal ka ?” (“Any objections?”) on the back.

A watershed moment in the 2000s was the founding of Ang Ladlad, an LGBTQ+ party that sought to influence national politics by fielding candidates to run under the Philippines’ party-list system, designed to facilitate representation of marginalized sectors in Congress. It faced several challenges —including a ban, later overturned, on its participation in the 2010 elections owing to its alleged promotion of immorality—and was ultimately unsuccessful at its bids to win legislative seats, but it helped draw attention to LGBTQ+ issues and suggest the prospect of the “pink vote”: that is, LGBTQ+ people as a key voting bloc, though its power is yet to be demonstrated. One of the more interesting vote-gathering tactics of Ang Ladlad was to visit neighborhood beauty parlors and engage with the bakla employed there.

Various LGBTQ+ groups continue to play on bakla in their slogans and taglines as they stand up for their rights. The coalition Bahaghari often uses “ Makibeki, wag mashokot !” as a rallying cry. “ Makibeki ” combines “ makibaka ” (“contend with us”) and “ beki ” (another diminutive of bakla) while “‘ wag mashokot ” means “have no fear” in gay lingo. The organizers of the Metro Manila Pride Parade also used makibeki as part of this year’s march theme: “ Atin Ang Kulayaan! Makibeki Ngayon, Atin Ang Panahon .” A rough translation would be, “The colors of freedom are ours! Fellow queers, let us fight together. It is our time.” 

These, it must be emphasized, are not merely linguistic maneuvers. Rather, they represent individual and collective efforts from people who have long been disdained for being different, for defying the norm, to make themselves felt and heard, specify their experiences, and inaugurate modes of living and loving together. Even as the use of bakla remains contentious, LGBTQ+ Filipinos sustain their attempts to negotiate with its difficult history and pave the way toward a prismatic future where they will be embraced with full acceptance by their families and communities.

Jaime Oscar M. Salazar is a writer who lives in Pasig, Philippines.

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Understanding the Challenges Faced by Filipino LGBTQ+ Individuals with Strong Religious Ties

• Timothy John DC. Libiran
• Rowie Lawrence C. Cepeda
• Camille Krisandrea M. Ramos
• John Carlo O. Alano
• Michael Jo S. Guballa
• Feb 23, 2024

Timothy John DC. Libiran 1 , Rowie Lawrence C. Cepeda 2 , Camille Krisandrea M. Ramos 3 , John Carlo O. Alano 4 , Michael Jo S. Guballa 5

School of Education, Arts, and Sciences, Department of Psychology, National University Philippines- Bulacan

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.801186

Received: 07 January 2024; Revised: 19 January 2024; Accepted: 23 January 2024; Published: 23 February 2024

The Philippines is renowned for its deep religiosity, providing hope and support to its citizens. However, this religiosity presents a paradox, as some church teachings openly oppress and stigmatize LGBTQ+ individuals, branding homosexuality as morally wrong. This study explored the complex conflicts experienced by LGBTQ+ Filipinos with strong religious ties and how their faith either supports or exacerbates their challenges. Prior research consistently shows that LGBTQ+ encounter discrimination and degradation within their religious communities, driven by unjust treatment. Employing a phenomenological qualitative approach with in-depth interviews, this study examines Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals aged 18 and above. The findings unveil the multifaceted conflicts participants face, notably inequitable and oppressive treatment within their religious communities. Ecclesiastical dilemmas emerge, primarily due to discrimination, humiliation, and exclusion from the church and its members, stemming from flawed teachings categorizing LGBTQ+ individuals as morally wrong. Perceptions of support from their religion reveal a dual nature. Participants find positive support within their faith, receiving solace from select individuals who encourage focusing on the positive aspects of their religious experience. Conversely, they report negative effects from the church’s problematic teachings, leading to isolation and a lack of support that significantly impacts their well-being. This study contributes to understanding the challenges faced by LGBTQ+ individuals, especially within religious contexts, emphasizing the need for increased awareness and correction of misguided beliefs and teachings. The research strives to create a more inclusive and safer environment for all individuals, irrespective of gender or identity, fostering a more accepting and understanding society.

Keywords— LGBTQ+, Oppression, Discrimination, Humiliation, Degradation.

INTRODUCTION

Since Spanish colonialism, the Philippines has been considered one of the most religious countries in the world, which explains why there are a range of beliefs and conventions mentioned in the bible that are still in use today. The majority of Filipinos have strong religious beliefs and affiliations. In the early stages of discovering and embracing their same-sex desire, homosexuals experienced unpleasant feelings such as perplexity, rage, denial, and self-loathing. They faced church discrimination and prejudice, which led to feelings of isolation; they questioned church teachings and Bible interpretation, viewing it as oppressive and untrustworthy: the emotional journey and challenges faced by Christian homosexual individuals in accepting their sexual orientation [39].

Accordingly, by recognizing the importance of authenticity and self-acceptance, individuals came to the realization that their sexual orientation is a personal matter that concerns their relationship with a higher power. In addition, LGBTQ+ members did not perceive their sexuality as deviant or morally wrong as opposed to what the church believed to be, so they did not have an obligation to compromise the conflicting notions of homosexuality and Christianity [39]. Moreover, the decision to discontinue their faith negatively affected the individuals’ connection with their spiritual beliefs, as they experienced a sense of emptiness that resulted in a greater distance from their perception of the divine [10].

Being an LGBTQ+ member and having a strong belief in god comes with substantial consequences living in an extremely religious country, such as discrimination, exclusion, and prejudice as being a sinner among traditional people. In addition, these LGBTQ+ individual are still able to maintain their strong ties with their religion despite the adversities they experienced from it. Moreover, even up to this moment, many religious groups have avoided or condemned homosexuality, labeling it as morally wrong or sinful. Regrettably, this stance has left numerous LGBTQ+ individuals feeling excluded, rejected, and marginalized within their faith communities [13]. Accordingly, Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties represent a unique and often marginalized segment of society whose experiences and challenges remain inadequately explored and understood. This research endeavors to shed light on the multifaceted issues and concerns that this population confronts at the intersection of their sexual and gender identities and their deep religious affiliations. It is imperative to recognize that while the Philippines is a predominantly Catholic country, the LGBTQ+ community within this context grapples with the complexities arising from deeply rooted religious traditions, doctrines, and societal expectations. This study seeks to unravel the intricate dynamics that affect the lives of LGBTQ+ individuals who grapple with the tension between their authentic selves and their religious convictions. By delving into these experiences, the researcher aims to provide valuable insights into the challenges faced by this community, foster empathy, and promote more inclusive and affirming environments within religious communities and society. In line with this,

This qualitative study explores how spirituality serves as a source of resilience and support in terms of well-being for LGBTQ+ individuals, delving into their experiences dealing with discrimination within their religious communities while staying connected to their faith. It aims to understand the struggles of LGBTQ+ people with strong religious ties, shedding light on religious conflicts and LGBTQ+ experiences in the Philippines.

Lastly, this study seeks to contribute to our understanding of the challenges faced by LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties, shedding light on their unique experiences and providing insights for future research. Also included is a comprehensive manual on how diverse religious organizations should reevaluate and change their doctrines and societal standards in response to LGBTQ+ people who, despite prejudice, remain steadfast in their faith. To reorient traditional religious believers about the lack of a link between sexual identity and religion. It attempts to combat biases, educate religious leaders, and provide LGBTQ+ mental health solutions. This study may foster a more inclusive culture where religious beliefs and LGBTQ+ identities can coexist by illuminating these issues.

In the Philippines, LGBTQ+ individuals, including those who identify as Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and others with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities, face unique healthcare needs. These needs are shaped by cultural and religious beliefs prevalent in the country. The predominantly Catholic environment influenced societal norms, impacting how LGBTQ+ individuals are accepted and supported. This diverse group encompassed various identities, each facing specific healthcare disparities. [15] conducted a detailed examination of LGBTQ+ healthcare research priorities, highlighting crucial areas such as health services delivery, prevention, and challenges related to intersectionality. Health services delivery aims to ensure inclusive, high-quality, and accessible healthcare. Prevention strategies focus on enhancing overall health and preventing illnesses. The concept of Challenges and Intersectionality acknowledges the intricate interconnections between gender identity, sexual orientation, and other societal factors affecting LGBTQ+ lives.

In the Philippines, the intersection of LGBTQ+ identities with religious beliefs poses significant challenges. Religious teachings often clash with LGBTQ+ acceptance, impacting self-acceptance and mental well-being. Balancing gender identity or sexual orientation with religious beliefs became a complex struggle. Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals navigated cultural norms, family dynamics, and religious communities, shaping their experiences and acceptance within this intricate web. [15] research emphasized the urgency of addressing healthcare disparities in LGBTQ+ communities, especially within religious settings. Prioritizing issues such as intersectionality, prevention, and health services delivery are essential when creating evidence-based interventions in favor of LGBTQ+ individuals in religious contexts. To create comprehensive and culturally sensitive support systems, it is vital to understand the diverse identities and challenges faced by the LGBTQ+ population in the Philippines. Combining insights from [15] research with the struggles experienced by LGBTQ+ Filipinos in religious environments, this review provides a deep understanding of LGBTQ+ identities and healthcare inequalities. Religious groups in the Philippines must promote acceptance and inclusivity for LGBTQ+ individuals through culturally sensitive relationships, counseling services, and educational programs.

Filipino LGBTQ+

Tang and Poudel (2018) illustrated the challenges LGBT people face in the Philippines, stressing the significance of family acceptance in Filipino culture. In a culture where family ties are highly valued, family acceptance has an essential function in determining the mental health and general well-being of young LGBT people. The study focused on cases of interpersonal rejection, which presented significant challenges to the individuals’ spiritual and religious identities in addition to causing emotions of isolation and poor self-worth. When these difficulties are combined with the study conducted by [12], a deeper understanding of the emotional contexts that LGBT people in the Philippines navigate while exploring their religious experiences is presented. Filipino LGBTQ+ people’s feelings of generosity, hope, and guilt concerning God were investigated by [12]. The study demonstrated the complexity of religious experiences by showing that, although feelings of gratitude and optimism were common, guilt also had a major influence on how LGBTQ+ people identified as religious. The intersection of religious teachings and LGBT identities becomes a source of interaction and struggle in the context of Filipino views, where religion often serves as the foundation of cultural identity.

A fine balance between religion and self-acceptance is required because of the conflict between strong religious views and various sexual orientations and gender identities. According to [49], family acceptance became crucial for both one’s well-being and one’s ability to balance one’s religious views with one’s LGBT identity. Recognizing these difficulties in Filipino values is important, emphasizing the necessity of inclusive discussions within religious groups. It highlighted how important it is to promote tolerance, acceptance, and understanding so that people may enjoy their LGBT identities without worrying about being judged or rejected. To address these issues, religious leaders and communities must have discussions that encourage love and acceptance for every member, irrespective of that member’s gender identity or sexual orientation. Society can make great progress in fostering an atmosphere that is more accepting and encouraging for the LGBT community in the Philippines by recognizing and appreciating the diversity of identities within the structure of Filipino values.

Strong Religious Ties

Strong religious beliefs can have diverse foundations influenced by a person’s religious position, culture, and personal values. Studies suggest that subjective well-being (SWB) can experience a positive impact in societies with high religiosity, although research on the relationship between spirituality, religion, and SWB presents conflicting results. Notably, significant signs of religious commitment, such as the value of religion in people’s lives, belief in God, frequency of prayer, and attendance at worship services, can shape social and political attitudes within religious traditions. Concurrently, religious beliefs may exert both positive and negative effects on health, with negative religious coping involving spiritual struggles [53]. Understanding religious commitment involves considering factors like the importance of religion, belief in God, regularity of prayer, and attendance at worship services, which collectively shape social and political views within religious traditions. Additionally, religious affiliation significantly impacts life satisfaction, with religiously affiliated individuals reporting higher levels of contentment [39]. These dynamics take on unique nuances in the Philippines, where a rich cultural background intersects with strong religious affiliations. To comprehend the Filipino viewpoint on religion and its relationship to well-being, it is crucial to grasp the cultural details influencing these ideas. Transitioning to a broader psychological perspective, a psychologist with over 20 years of experience studying human motivation proposes that individuals are drawn to religion because it satisfies sixteen fundamental human needs. This psychological perspective sheds light on the observed dynamics, particularly within the context of Filipino beliefs, which acquire unique nuances when viewed through their cultural lens. In summary, the foundation of strong religious belief connections is a complex interplay of culture, personal values, and the fulfillment of basic human desires. This complexity is further emphasized when examining the specific context of Filipino beliefs, where a rich cultural background intersects with strong religious affiliations. Understanding the relationship of cultural details that shape these ideas is essential to comprehending the Filipino viewpoint on religion and its relationship to well-being.

Conflicting Belief System

The studies by [4], [47]-[5] provide crucial insights into the complex relationship between religious affiliation, LGBTQ+ identity, and mental health outcomes. According to [4] research, it suggests that lower religious affiliation among LGB individuals may act as a protective factor against discrimination’s negative consequences, potentially due to reduced exposure to condemning religious teachings. Conversely, [47] study sheds light on the profound harm inflicted by certain religious communities on LGBTQ+ individuals, emphasizing the emotional and psychological damage experienced across age groups. These disparities highlight the need to recognize the resilience of some LGBTQ+ individuals due to lower religious affiliation while acknowledging the ongoing harm within certain religious traditions.

Also, [51] study further adds to this discourse by identifying a significant issue with negative attitudes towards LGBTQ+ individuals among healthcare and social work professionals with religious affiliations in the UK, especially among Christian and Muslim practitioners. These attitudes raise concerns about the impact on LGBTQ+ individuals’ access to healthcare and social services and the potential for discrimination and stigma. In contrast, [38] study found that increased Catholic homogeneity at the county level was associated with less resistance to LGBTQ+ individuals, indicating that the influence of religious attitudes on LGBTQ+ acceptance may vary depending on specific religious and moral communities. These findings highlight the intricate relationship between religion, LGBTQ+ identity, and societal attitudes.

Spiritual Struggles

According to [18] and [52], research on LGBTQ+ individuals within religious contexts presents a compelling argument about the reconciliation of sexuality and faith. Dupree’s study highlights a strong desire for reconciliation among LGBTQ+ Christians who actively seek ways to harmonize their faith with their sexuality. They emphasize the importance of nuanced biblical study and historical context to challenge discriminatory beliefs, promoting inclusivity. This demonstrates the potential for change within religious communities.

In contrast, [52] reveals the initial rejection of sexuality by devoutly religious LGBTQ+ individuals, leading to negative consequences like depressive symptoms and substance abuse. This prompts the rejection of organized religious affiliation in favor of self-identity and sexual orientation acceptance. This divergence in approaches underscores the complexity of the religion-LGBTQ+ intersection. It calls for more inclusive religious communities and highlights the importance of prioritizing mental well-being when facing religious discrimination. Ultimately, these findings contribute to the ongoing dialogue about faith and sexuality reconciliation.

Social Relationship

The differing findings from [20] and [34] studies regarding the interplay of religion, LGBTQ+ acceptance within families, and the impact on LGBTQ+ well-being fuel a complex argument. [20] research highlights the use of religious tools by family members of gay men to mediate post-coming-out conflicts, revealing the potential for religious beliefs to aid conflict resolution within families. The study also shows that acceptance of LGBTQ+ individuals within religious contexts can vary in difficulty among parents.

In contrast, family acceptance significantly benefits LGBTQ+ youth’s mental well-being, irrespective of religious background. Their findings challenge the assumption that religious beliefs inherently lead to lower acceptance and suggest that families can provide support within religious settings, even if these are not explicitly affirming [34]. This underscores the nuanced relationship between religion, family acceptance, and LGBTQ+ well-being, calling for a more comprehensive understanding of how these factors intersect. Some families may use religious tools for reconciliation, while others can offer support within religious contexts. This argument highlights the need for a more inclusive and open dialogue about faith and LGBTQ+ acceptance within families, recognizing the potential for positive change and support within various religious contexts.

Mental Health Implications

The diverse findings from studies examining the interplay between religion, LGBTQ+ identity, and mental health present an intricate argument concerning the complex relationship between religious experiences and the mental well-being of LGBTQ+ individuals. On one hand, the systematic review by [25] underscores the negative impact of religious trauma on the mental health of LGBTQ+ individuals. Experiences such as spiritual abuse were consistently associated with higher levels of depression, anxiety, and psychological distress. This highlights the significant harm that certain religious environments can inflict on the mental well-being of LGBTQ+ individuals. The critical role of supportive family, social, and religious networks in mitigating these negative effects emphasizes the importance of a strong support system. [24] research further emphasizes the prevalence of adverse religious experiences (AREs) among LGBTQ+ individuals raised in authoritarian religious environments. The majority of participants reported experiencing AREs, which were strongly correlated with negative or disaffirming LGBTQ+ beliefs within religious contexts. Qualitative insights provided a nuanced understanding of the psychological and social impacts of these experiences, including feelings of anxiety, fear, guilt, and isolation.

In addition, the fight for LGBTQ+ rights have made significant progress, but challenges persist, particularly in the realms of healthcare access, employment and housing discrimination, violence, becoming parents, and social exclusion. LGBTQ+ individuals often face elevated rates of mental health issues due to oppressive structures. Healthcare access remains a concern, with disparities in mental health and substance abuse treatment, as well as difficulties in finding affirming care. Employment and housing discrimination persist, with legal protections inadequately enforced. Violence against LGBTQ+ individuals, including hate crimes and intimate partner violence, is prevalent, compounded by distrust of the justice system. LGBTQ+ individuals pursuing parenthood encounter discrimination and financial obstacles. Social exclusion, including familial rejection, conversion therapy, and community ostracization, contributes to mental health challenges and elevated suicide rates. Mental health professionals are crucial in addressing these issues and providing affirming care [28].

However, it is essential to consider the contrasting perspective presented by [53], which suggests that religiosity can have a protective effect on mental health, including a lower likelihood of developing depression over time. This viewpoint emphasizes that, in the general population, religious engagement is associated with better mental health outcomes, potentially conflicting with the above-mentioned findings concerning LGBTQ+ individuals.

This dichotomy in findings prompts a thought-provoking argument about the complex and nuanced nature of the relationship between religion, LGBTQ+ identity, and mental health. While some LGBTQ+ individuals may find support and solace in religious engagement, others may experience adverse religious experiences that lead to significant mental health challenges. The varying impacts of religion on mental health underscore the need for a more comprehensive understanding of the intersection between faith and LGBTQ+ well-being.

Ultimately, the argument calls for an inclusive and respectful dialogue that acknowledges the diverse experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals within religious contexts. It highlights the importance of both supporting LGBTQ+ individuals who may face religious trauma and recognizing that, for some, religion can serve as a protective factor for their mental health. It is crucial to strike a balance that respects individual beliefs and experiences while working towards greater inclusivity and understanding within religious communities. The interplay among religion, LGBTQ+ identity, and mental health is far from straightforward. Research demonstrates that while religious trauma can negatively affect the mental well-being of LGBTQ+ individuals, religion may act as a protective factor for mental health in other contexts. This complexity necessitates a nuanced and inclusive approach that acknowledges the diversity of experiences within religious communities. It is essential to provide support to individuals impacted by religious trauma while also recognizing the potential positive role of religion in promoting mental well-being. Such an approach can increase inclusivity and understanding within religious communities, benefiting all individuals involved.

Synthesis        

All the aforementioned studies provide essential concepts concerning the challenges faced by LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties. Accordingly, lower religious affiliation while having strong spiritual beliefs leads to lesser feelings of guilt and mental health problems ([4]-[54]). On the other hand, religious institutions and their members still apply the doctrines that being LGBTQ+ is morally wrong and a sin towards God which negatively affects them externally, such as exclusion and rejection, and mentally and internally, such as feelings of shame and guilt ([47], [5], [51], [55], [18], [52], [25]-[24]. Moreover, LGBTQ+ members reconcile their sexual identity and strong religious affiliations via praying, therapy, and seeking support from other religious institutions that accept their sexuality ([47]-[55]). Inversely, according to [52], and [18], individuals tried to suppress and reject their real sexuality as they perceived that it was wrong and not accepted by the church and the people around them, as well as to maintain their strong religious affiliations without any conflict of discrimination and rejections. However, they have feelings of guilt and anxiety. Furthermore, family acceptance of highly religious parents greatly impacts positive and negative results in terms of improving mental well-being and connection of their religion since they are deemed to be the source of resilience and support of LGBTQ+ members in a world full of discrimination and rejection towards them ([20], [34]).

The above results have made valuable contributions to understanding LGBTQ+ individuals within religious contexts, but several crucial gaps still exist. Firstly, there is a gap related to the geographic focus of previous studies, which have predominantly concentrated on Westernized settings. To address this gap, the researchers intend to investigate the variables within the context of the Philippines. This geographical focus is essential because it recognizes the importance of understanding the unique challenges and dynamics faced by LGBTQ+ individuals in a religious context within the Philippines, a highly religious country.

The core research gap in this study pertains to the varying experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals within religious contexts. While some studies suggest that lower religious affiliations may protect against discrimination, others emphasize the harm inflicted by specific religious communities. This discrepancy underscores the need for more comprehensive investigations into the factors contributing to resilience or harm within religious settings.

Furthermore, there’s a data gap that necessitates further research into the long-term effects of religious beliefs on the mental health of LGBTQ+ individuals and the underlying mechanisms at play. This gap extends to understanding the specific sources of conflicts experienced by these individuals within the context of the highly religious country, the Philippines. Addressing these gaps will provide a more thorough understanding of the complex interplay between religion, LGBTQ+ identity, and mental health within this specific cultural context, offering valuable insights for both researchers and practitioners.

Statement of the Problem  

This study addresses the challenges experienced by LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious relationships. Despite the country’s predominantly Catholic background, LGBTQ+ individuals often grapple with the conflict between their sexual and gender identities and deeply rooted religious traditions. The study aims to shed light on these multifaceted issues by delving into the emotional journeys and experiences of Christian homosexuals as they navigate self-discovery and acceptance. It also seeks to promote empathy and inclusivity within religious communities and society. The research also provides insights for future interventions, including revaluating religious doctrines and standards to accommodate LGBTQ+ individuals. Ultimately, this qualitative study explores how spirituality can serve as a source of resilience for LGBTQ+ individuals and the challenges experienced by coexisting their identities with their strong religious bond, contributing to a more oriented and inclusive culture. With that, the following questions are aimed to be answered by this research study.

What are the multifaceted challenges experienced by Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals who maintain strong religious affiliations towards their sexual orientation and gender identity?

Specific Questions:

• What are the main sources of tension or conflict experienced by Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals in reconciling their sexual orientation and religious beliefs?
• How do Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties perceive their religion as a source of support and resilience regarding their well-being?

Research Design

This research utilized a phenomenological qualitative design to explore a phenomenon without preconceived notions. It focuses on understanding the nature of occurrences in individuals’ lives by examining daily experiences while valuing the richness and depth of data over quantity. Unlike quantitative research, this study prioritized descriptive rather than numerical data [23]. In addition, it utilized in-depth interviews since they are deemed a valuable research method for obtaining comprehensive insights into an individual’s beliefs and actions and delving deeply into novel topics. Interviews were then frequently employed to contextualize additional data, such as outcome data, thus enhancing the comprehensiveness of the topic’s understanding and rationale [8].

Participants

Participants were recruited through purposive sampling, ensuring diverse religious backgrounds, gender identities, and sexual orientations. It enables the researcher to obtain in-depth data on specific subjects or problems that interest them. It will also be possible to apply it in investigations on a smaller scale and with a smaller sample size [41]. A total of 7 participants, coming from a variety of religious LGBTQ+ community members, were chosen for this study. According to [14], it is recommended to have between 3 and 10 participants for a phenomenological investigation. In addition, based on the mathematical model established by Jakob Nielsen and Tom Lindauer, 5 participants will be enough to conduct a qualitative study since it will represent 85% of the issue being studied as well as 5 participants is substantial enough to start the study since no specific number of participants can answer all specific questions, especially in a qualitative study where in the quality of data will be more preferred than the quantity and will provide the perfect saturation to represent the study. Hence, five (5) will be best to represent the study, then add more after determining the limitations and include it in the recommendations [9].

However, according to [11], the number of participants necessary in a qualitative interview might vary based on the subject of the investigation, the amount of thematic saturation (when fresh information or themes cease emerging), and the unique study methodology. No set number of participants is needed for qualitative interviews because the emphasis is on data depth and richness rather than statistical representativeness.

Accordingly, the Inclusion of participants will be LGBTQ+ members who are active part of any religious groups or institutions. These participants attend mass regularly (e.g., every week), mainly communicate with God through prayer daily, and have a position in their religious institutions. This will allow richer information required by the questions in this research study since individuals 18 years old and above might have stronger religious ties and experience regarding their religion and gender.  Moreover, the exclusion of participants is those who are active LGBTQ+ members in their religion who are under the age of 18 years old. LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties below 18 years old might still be vulnerable and sensitive about the questions and topic, especially when their gender and religion are involved as well, and they may not have adequate experience with the variables being studied.

Table. I This Section Discusses the Demographic Profile of LGBTQ+ Individuals with Strong Religious Ties who Participated in this Study.

Table I shows a total of N=7 participants included in this study. The participants come from three religions, which are Iglesia ni Cristo (n=1), Christian (n=2), and Roman Catholic (n=4). In addition, participants’ ages range from 18-20 years old (n=2) and 21-22 years old (n=5). It comprised male (n=4) and female participants (n=3).

Instruments

                In this qualitative study, the researchers employed semi-structured open-ended questions. This method of questioning allowed the participants to share their subjective experiences and perceptions towards the questions being asked in their own words, which can provide more in-depth information about the topic since the question cannot be answered by a simple yes or no [14]. The researchers prepared the semi-structured open-ended questions interview guide, which was then validated by three (3) research professionals mastering the field of qualitative research to ensure that the set of questions is well structured to the aim of the study and to obtain the proper and rich data for the present study.  Moreover, the researchers used audio and video recording and note-taking to transcribe the conversation and vital information delivered by the participants to be used in thematic analysis. Lastly, the duration of the interview lasts for about 20-30 minutes per participant to ensure that all the necessary questions will be asked to the participants and to have an ample amount of time for any clarification, addition, and revision of the answers given by the participants of the study.

Data Gathering Procedure

The primary objective of this study is to investigate the lived experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals within religious settings, with a specific emphasis on the intersectionality of their sexual orientation and strong religious affiliations. Gaining a comprehensive understanding of these experiences through qualitative methods is crucial in fostering inclusivity and providing support within religious communities. The subsequent protocol delineates the sequential actions involved in data acquisition while ensuring adherence to ethical principles and obtaining informed consent from participants throughout the research.

Participants must have a well-defined and thoroughly informed consent agreement before data-collecting activities commence. This document comprehensively elucidates the study’s objectives, the methodology employed in conducting interviews, the potential risks and benefits associated with participation, and the guarantee of maintaining anonymity. The participants had sufficient opportunity to examine the permission form thoroughly, seek clarification if needed, and express their voluntary agreement in written form to partake in the study. The process of obtaining consent was continuous, with reaffirmation occurring at the commencement of each interview.

In addition, validation of Interview Questions: To establish the credibility and consistency of the interview questions, a panel of three (3) experts with expertise in qualitative research carefully evaluated the set of interview guide questions selected by the researchers. The set of questions that had been finalized was then continuously employed throughout the study.

Furthermore, pertinent religious organizations and institutions sought a request for Interview Authorization to conduct interviews within their premises if needed. Furthermore, if the participants have existing affiliations with particular religious organizations, appropriate consent or endorsement was obtained from those institutions to facilitate the smooth execution of the interviews. However, the primary setting of the interview was in the participant’s house or a cafe. The primary objective of these requests is to uphold transparency and demonstrate reverence for the religious situations at hand.

Ethical considerations were rigorously observed in this research, following established criteria. The confidentiality of participants was upheld during the study, ensuring that all data collected would be anonymized. All personal identifiers will be removed or modified to ensure the confidentiality of the participants’ identities. Participants were allowed to discontinue their involvement in the study at any given time without facing any adverse repercussions. To guarantee that the research conforms to established ethical norms, it is necessary to acquire ethical approval from an institutional review board. They were also debriefed right after the session to ensure the researchers could provide clarification and additional support to all the study participants if needed.

Interview Protocol: Participants were asked to discuss their experiences candidly throughout the interviews. The interviewer establishes a conducive and impartial atmosphere to encourage open and honest responses. The duration of each interview per participant will approximately take 20-30 minutes to ensure that all the necessary information will be obtained and any clarification of the researchers and participants can be accommodated. Every interview was recorded using audio technology, with the explicit permission of the participants, and then converted into written form for analysis. The interviews adopted a semi-structured format, allowing participants to provide detailed accounts of their experiences, beliefs, and emotions of their LGBTQ+ identification and strong religious ties.

This study endeavors to offer useful insights into the experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals within religious contexts by adhering to a complete research data-gathering approach that upholds ethical standards and respects the rights and privacy of participants.

Data Analysis

The data collected from interviews were transcribed, coded, and analyzed using thematic analysis since this approach aims to find, characterize, examine, and report themes in the data. The strategy was selected due to its versatility in analyzing data gathered through various qualitative methodologies and its ease of learning for novice qualitative researchers [45]. Themes and patterns will be identified to gain insights into the specific challenges faced by LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties. The findings were presented comprehensively, highlighting the common experiences, unique perspectives, and potential sources of resilience identified within the data. It involves the reduction and analysis of qualitative data. This strategy includes segmenting, categorizing, summarizing, and reconstructing the data to effectively capture the significant concepts present within the dataset [44].

Ethical Consideration

                Before conducting the research study, the following ethical considerations were strictly observed and implemented to obtain the utmost safety and integrity of the participants and the study.

In the realm of ethical considerations, the researchers ensured a foundation of voluntary participation in their study. Participants were granted the autonomy to decide whether to engage, with the assurance that non-participation would bear no consequences on existing services or professional standings. Moreover, a unique facet of voluntariness was that participants could retroactively request the removal of shared information post-participation, emphasizing the commitment to respecting individual choices.

The procedures outlined for the research encompassed a meticulous approach to data collection, focusing on sensitive topics of religion and sexual orientation. Participants were invited to partake voluntarily, with a transparent overview of their involvement’s anticipated duration and format. The researchers, Libiran, Timothy John, Alano, John Carlo, Cepeda, Rowie, and Ramos, Camille Krisandrea, were introduced, ensuring transparency regarding the individuals involved in the study. With a paramount focus on confidentiality, the researchers pledged to maintain participants’ privacy. The interview process, though recorded, ensured anonymity by using pseudonyms and securely storing tapes. A noteworthy commitment was made to destroy these recordings within 60 days, exemplifying a dedication to safeguarding participants’ information.

Addressing potential risks, the researchers acknowledged the topics’ sensitivity and assured participants they had the right to abstain from answering any questions causing discomfort. This cautious approach demonstrated ethical considerations for the emotional well-being of participants. Furthermore, the benefits section emphasized the societal impact of the research, ranging from informed policies to the empowerment of marginalized individuals. The study’s potential to contribute to various disciplines and promote social justice underscored its global significance.

To mitigate any financial burden on participants, the researchers offered reimbursements for transportation and provided tokens as a gesture of gratitude, reinforcing the ethical principle of fairness. On the other hand, the confidentiality clause reiterated the meticulous measures to protect participants’ privacy, emphasizing restricted access to data and the transformation of personal identifiers into numerical codes.

The transparency continued in sharing results, assuring participants that their identities would remain confidential and findings would be disseminated responsibly through summary reports and institutional meetings before public disclosure.

Lastly, the right to refuse or withdraw was unequivocally stated, reinforcing the voluntary nature of participation. Participants were granted post-interview review rights, ensuring accuracy in the representation of their remarks- a testament to the researchers’ commitment to respecting participants’ autonomy and maintaining ethical standards throughout the research process.

Trustworthiness

                In qualitative research, “trustworthiness” refers to the quality, truthfulness, and correctness of results. Readers’ trust in results matters [9]. Researchers should establish protocols and methods for each work to be considered by readers [2]. Thus, [26] credibility, dependability, confirmability, and transferability criteria will be employed to verify this study’s reliability.

Credibility. The credibility of study findings determines acceptability.  The research methods, participants, and setting determine the researcher’s credibility with the findings and their legitimacy in terms of its findings [26. Accordingly, the researchers also asked follow-up or probing questions (prolonged engagement) to detect additional factors affecting their information and ensure that researchers and participants understand each other. In addition, triangulation was then also applied by using related studies, observed data, and recorded data. In data analysis, researchers compared their versions of codes for a more accurate result (member checks). The researchers also orient the participants about the study’s scope, benefits, and risks (peer briefing).

Transferability. It involves usability and applicability in different contexts.  Researchers must provide a “thick description” of participants and study procedures so readers can determine if the results apply to their situation [26]. The researchers will offer detailed participant descriptions and research methodology to aid future evaluation of result generalization (thick description of this study). The researchers also utilized purposive sampling to ensure homogeneous participants sharing the same phenomenon studied.

Dependability. The study’s result shows consistency and can be repeated in other contexts [26]. Through an audit trail, the researchers carefully and attentively recorded every process of this study, from validation of questionnaire comments, consent forms of participants, certificate of validation of the questionnaire, and the analytic memoing during and after the interview process.  Accordingly, this study will address the approach and detail the methodologies the researchers will utilize so that later investigators can assess the quality of research methods and strategies.

Confirmability. The concept of neutrality refers to the degree to which the outcomes of a study are influenced by the participants rather than by the researcher’s biases, motivations, or interests [26]. Further investigators must be able to replicate the results to prove that they were obtained through independent research methods rather than intentional or unconscious bias [17]. In this research, the researchers are committed to ensuring the reliability of their study. They maintained a detailed record of their methods and documents used, such as the questionnaire and the research paper itself, to prevent bias and guarantee fairness. The researchers also had their research advisor review the study itself. Additionally, they used analytic memoing to record important information throughout the research process, ensuring that the generated codes and themes were rooted in the participants’ information (reflexivity). Lastly, triangulation was applied by supporting the results by three (3) related theories.

This chapter contains the tables that present the findings and interpretations of the data collected via in-depth interviews. The interview data were coded and themed using thematic analysis to identify emerging themes.

Table. II Conflict Experienced By LGBTQ+ Individuals with Strong Religious Ties

Table. II highlights the two emerging themes under the conflict experienced by LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties, namely unjust treatment and ecclesiastical dilemmas. Under unjust treatment, eight sub-themes emerged, which are close-minded, condemnation, discrimination, exclusion, mistreatment, blackmailing, helplessness, and humiliation. Furthermore, under ecclesiastical dilemmas, three sub-themes emerged: forceful and unfair church rules, faulty church teachings, and loss of belief in one’s religion.

Inequitable and Oppressive Treatment

Narrowly Entrenched in Fixed Beliefs:

The participants described how the church and its members are resistant to changing their views on LGBTQ+ individuals, firmly believing in a binary understanding of gender. This resistance leads to unsolicited opinions and insults directed at LGBTQ+ individuals.

Participant 1 said, “Sometimes, we cannot force them or ask them to understand their point of view since they have a strong belief that cannot be altered. It is difficult for them to accept other opinions and facts.” Moreover,

Participant 5 said, “There are still individuals who are close-minded to the point that they keep making jokes about my sexuality, and sometimes, I perceive it as rude, and I notice that they intentionally outed my sexuality in public places and situations. Although I am comfortable with my sexuality, still, I am the one who should tell people about it and not them.” Also,

Participant 7 said, “The conflicts I experienced was when people around me were talking about same-sex marriage since they always pointed out that everyone should strictly follow what is written in the bible, which is man and woman are the only ones allowed to marry each other.”

Harsh and Unequivocal Disapproval:

According to the participants, they mainly highlight the negative judgment and rejection faced by LGBTQ+ members. It signifies the alienation and harsh treatment they endure due to their sexual orientation, often rooted in religious beliefs and doctrines. This condemnation often leads to feelings of exclusion, isolation, and emotional distress among LGBTQ+ members.

Participant 2 said, ” Sometimes some people will make a euphemism; they are trying to tell me something very differently. They will not directly tell you, but you will eventually understand their main point that it is not right to be homosexual. That you need to be like this and that (straight). And that being sexually attracted to the same sex is a big sin towards god.” Additionally,

Participant 3 said, ” Within my parents, they always argue that I should choose and love a man instead of a girl like me since it is a sin towards God to love a same-sex individual.” Consequently,

Participant 5 said, “Every time I go to our church, everyone is looking at me and making me feel like I sinned, and I hate that feeling.”

Unjust Differentiation Based on Individual Attributes:

The participants underscore the unjust treatment and prejudice experienced by LGBTQ+ individuals within their religious communities. This theme emphasizes the disparities in opportunities, acceptance, and rights faced by LGBTQ+ members due to their sexual orientation as a result of discrimination perpetuated by religious beliefs and practices as their friends, family members, and church members made them feel that they were different and not accepted.

Participant 3 said, “There are times that even my own family vocally and explicitly make me feel like they are disgusted towards me because of my sexuality.” Moreover,

Participant 1: ” There is also a part in my relationship with my mom, because of course, she is religious with us, but what, mom loves us, me, but it’s really what they believe, and who I am, she doesn’t accept.” In addition,

Participant 5 said,” One time I saw my church friend at school, and I said hi/hello because we looked at each other. Then , I was surprised because he just walked past me. I thought that maybe he didn’t see me, but the next day I saw him at the canteen, and I waved as a hello/hi sign and then I was disappointed again. I thought, “Is this because of my gender?”

Deliberate Societal Omissions:

The participants reveal the deliberate isolation and marginalization experienced by LGBTQ+ individuals within their religious communities. This theme highlights how LGBTQ+ members are often pushed to the fringes, denied participation, and made to feel unwelcome due to their sexual orientation.

Participant 5 said, “ The same goes at church every day. I have seen my friends before at my church, and they seemed uncomfortable with me, given that I’m publicly known as part of the LGBTQ+. It hurts me because just because of gender and religion, it seems like I’m becoming an outcast that I am” furthermore,

Participant 1 said, “ I feel that I am not accepted in my religion ever since they found out about my sexual identity and my relationship with my partner.” Additionally,

Participant 5 said, ” I feel that my church friends are not paying much attention to me anymore, and they have distanced themselves from me, and I felt that.” On top of that,

Participant 5 said, “ Certainly, they made me feel unwelcome, even more so.”

Mistreatment :

The mistreatment of religion and its members towards LGBTQ+ members underscores the unjust and harmful actions, words, and attitudes directed at LGBTQ+ individuals within religious communities. This theme reveals the pain, discrimination, and prejudice that LGBTQ+ members often endure due to their sexual orientation, as their actions towards their LGBTQ+ members are mainly negative and unwelcoming.

Participant 5 said, “ They say they respect LGBTQ+ members, but their actions say otherwise.” Also,

Participant 5 said, “ Yes, because sometimes when I used to greet or say hello to my friends before, they no longer acknowledge me because my gender and identity are already well-known in school and our church.”

Blackmailing :

As stated by participants, they experienced coercive and manipulative practices within religious communities. This highlights how these LGBTQ+ individuals are subjected to threats, pressure, or emotional manipulation as a means to suppress their identity, silence their voices, and force them to change and comply with what their religion considers to be morally right.

Participant 1 said, “ Their actions, they visit our house, I promise. Like when they found out about my partner (an LGBTQ+ couple) when they learned about it, it’s as if when I came out to them, they waited for my partner, saying they would have them imprisoned.” Similarly,

Participant 1: said, “ it’s like, they didn’t tell me that; it was just mentioned to me by my housemates that they’re waiting for that. It’s like, of course, it feels like my privacy is being invaded.”

Helplessness :

The feeling of helplessness experienced by LGBTQ+ individuals due to misguided teachings by the church is a profound theme that centers on the emotional turmoil and identity crisis they endure. Such teachings and beliefs lead to a sense of self-wrongness and contribute to their struggles in accepting their LGBTQ+ identity within the context of their faith. Participant 2 said, “ Maybe the part where, like, my struggles, I had one time, I had an identity crisis because, you know, I was born a Christian, and since I was a child, I was very religious. So, it was instilled in our minds that these things are wrong and sinful. That’s why I reached a point where, you know, because you realize within yourself that it’s not a choice, right? It’s not my choice to be like this. You just really feel it.” Additionally,

Participant 2 said, ”So I reached a point where I struggled, praying and even crying, hoping that I wouldn’t be LGBTQ+, that I wouldn’t be like this, wishing I could change, hoping I could become straight. Those were my struggles that continue until now.”

Humiliation:

As experienced by the participants, humiliation reflects the demeaning and degrading treatment that they often experience within their religious communities. This theme highlights the instances of shame, ridicule, and degradation directed at LGBTQ+ members, which can lead to profound emotional and psychological distress, questions of one’s identity, and loss of self-confidence.

Participant 1 said, “ What happened to me was I lost the desire to worship, but my belief in the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) didn’t disappear. It’s just that I still hold on to the INC beliefs, but the main thing that diminishes my love for it is when there’s a lack of respect. Something happened before, like once, just earlier this year. I had just returned, went back to INC, and attended worship again because I wanted to try it, but then, I was humiliated in front of other people.” Furthermore,

Participant 5 said, “ Sometimes, I think that maybe this is not me. That there’s something wrong with me? To the point that I even doubted myself and questioned myself.” Accordingly, Participant 5: “It took away much of my confidence, self-respect, and self-love. I remember, one day, I found myself feeling low, extremely sad, and kept asking myself why I became like this and such.”

Ecclesiastical Dilemmas

Forceful and Unfair Rules of Church:

The imposition of “Forceful and Unfair Rules by the Church Towards LGBTQ+ Members” for participants signifies the unjust and coercive regulations and expectations placed upon them within their religious communities. They cannot be themselves when serving God, leaving no option for them as an individual to be themselves, and continuously condemn them for not following the sacred rules of the church.

Participant 2: said, “ There have been instances in our church where I found myself contemplating their teachings, particularly when they talk about LGBTQ+ issues, like in the case of same-sex marriage. We know that same-sex marriage is considered sacred to them. Even civil unions, I get it if they’re against same-sex marriage, but even civil unions, they still seem to be against it because they still instill the idea that it’s wrong for two people of the same sex to be together.” Consequently,

Participant 6 said, “Uhm, what I experienced before the pandemic was that my hair was long because cutting it was not allowed back then because of health restrictions (pandemic). The lectors and commentators are the ones who read the Gospels and Good News. So, this particular person asked me if I wanted to do that. As someone involved in the church, I wanted to, but the conflict arose because of my sexual orientation and my long hair. According to liturgical laws or regulations, you cannot read the Gospel if you have long hair. You need to be presentable; for example, if you’re a man, you should look presentable as a man. For instance, you can’t have long hair; it should be short, well-groomed, and masculine.” To add,

Participant 6 said, “Because up until now, there hasn’t been a transgender person or a girl dresser who has been a lector or commentator in our church. It’s either a girl or a boy, or a gay person wearing male attire or, um, a bisexual person dressed accordingly. It’s either feminine or masculine attire.”

Faulty Teachings of the church:

The participants also pointed out the inaccurate or harmful beliefs and doctrines promoted by the church, which can contribute to misunderstandings, discrimination, and stigmatization of LGBTQ+ individuals. Since the church and its members use what is written in the bible as a weapon to discriminate, exclude, and insult them.

Participant 2 said, “It seems like I entered another phase where I started thinking that not everything taught in the church is correct. It’s like some of them are just persecuting others.” Additionally,

Participant 2 said, ”Especially for me, every time I attend church and listen to the teachings, I find myself affected, making me question if it’s still right. It’s like everything about LGBTQ+ is being criticized using Bible verses as if everything is based on the Bible.” Also,

Participant 2 said, “ It’s like they’re pulling out verses and throwing them at aspects of the LGBTQ+ community. For example, they say that God only created Eve and Adam, and there shouldn’t be anything else. There’s another one, Corinthians, I think, if I’m not mistaken, stating that engaging in same-sex relations is a sin. “

Loss of Belief in One’s Religion:

Due to Faulty Treatment and Teaching by the Church and Its Members, for the participants, it signifies the profound impact of discrimination, mistreatment, and misguided teachings within religious communities, leading many LGBTQ+ individuals to question, and in some cases, abandon their religion but not their faith. Because of the insult given by the church itself, the participants found themselves questioning themselves and the religion itself if they should still stay with it since persecution, discrimination, and disrespect overpower it.

Participant 2 said, ” In the long run, you start questioning all these things, wondering if it’s right, where you stand because they say it’s your choice, but it doesn’t feel like a choice.” Similarly,

Participant 4 said, ” Actually, I find myself drifting further away from my religion because of cases like that. Still, as long as I know who I believe in, I think I’m okay with that and know where my faith lies.” On top of that,

Participant 5 said, “ Yes, from the moment I acknowledged my identity, that I am part of this community (LGBTQ+), I mentioned that I might not be able to return to the church despite my strong faith in God. There are stereotypes and discrimination against us because the Bible is against us, so those who follow the Bible might do the same. That’s why I started avoiding my religion, and it affects me a lot since I used to be an active churchgoer before. “

Table. III Perception Towards the Role of Religion Towards Support in Well-Being

Table III highlights the two emerging themes based on how they perceived their religion as a source of support and resilience: positive and negative effects. Three sub-themes emerged under the theme of positive effect: support system, open-mindedness, and Autonomy. On the other hand, under the theme of negative effect, three sub-themes emerged, namely, blamed, negative criticisms, and unwelcome.

Positive Effect

Support System:

The resilience of the participants in finding their religion as a source of support underscores their capacity to maintain their faith and spirituality as a source of comfort and strength despite challenges related to their sexual orientation and their religion. They noted that people who support them inside their religion help them navigate in life and positively impact them, and they noted that their religion is their last sort of hope.

Participant 5 said, “ My friends are super supportive, especially my church and high school friends. I feel safe and supported by them despite the negativity from others. They probably want me to feel loved and welcomed because there’s nothing wrong with being part of the LGBTQ+ community, and that’s what they make me feel.” In addition,

Participant 1 said, ” Yes, that’s still there, isn’t it? It’s like what we talk about in Filipino Psychology. Before, it was a religion; when a person is very religious, that becomes their hope. I’ve reached a point where my hope aligns with that too, believing in Him, which helps my mental health.” Accordingly,

Participant 7 said, “But the people who support you for what you’re doing because they understand and are open to understanding new things. Not just sticking to what used to be.”

Open-Minded:

Another statement of the participants that made their religion positively affect them is when the church and its members are open in terms of understanding their sexual identity and accepting them as part of their religion without throwing any insults and degrading words.

Participant 2 said,” Some are okay; they’re good. They know about the LGBTQ+ community, and they’re open to discussions. They’re not close-minded to the extent that they won’t give things, words, or throw hurtful words at me or the LGBTQ+ community.”

The participants also find a sense of support and positive impact of religion towards them when they are resistant to any insulting, degrading, and harmful opinions towards them by their religion itself and its members since, as for them, their faith matters the most and works stronger than those negativities that surrounds them. Hence, they mainly do not let other people affect their faith and support system.

Participant 3 said, ” Besides, I don’t care if religion accepts me. What matters to me is that I have faith that helps me survive each day.” Additionally,

Participant 3 said, ” Of course not, but I don’t let what they say affect me, even my parents. I come from a Catholic School, so I know the Lord is ready to accept me no matter what, and if He can embrace even a criminal like me, how much more someone who doesn’t harm others.” Consequently,

Participant 5 said, ‘ But then again, I remember a line from a book I read: “There’s nothing wrong with you; they just can’t accept the real you because you hold an impeccable power by just being your truest self.” That’s when I started to love myself because knowing and loving myself more will lead to being powerful, mindful, and wise.

Negative Effect

The participants were blamed for every negativity and unfortunate event that they experienced mainly because of their sexual identity, which, for the church and its members, contradicts the teachings of god. It is like the consequence of their indifference to god.

Participant 1 said, ”It’s like what he told me back then, so I used to get depressed because I wasn’t praying and because I’m bisexual, which he said is against God. It didn’t help, it didn’t help at all because, of course, the conclusion was jumped to, in a way, the reason behind why I was in that situation was preemptively judged.”

Negative Criticisms:

Negative criticism and condemnation of LGBTQ+ individuals by some religious institutions and their members harm their mental health. This is due to the social stigma and discrimination they face, especially from conservative religious communities, which can lead to feelings of rejection and shame. Additionally, being consistently told that their sexual orientation or gender identity is sinful can result in self-loathing and guilt, contributing to issues like depression and anxiety. Rejection from one’s religious community also leads to a loss of crucial social support, causing loneliness and emotional distress.

Participant 2 said, “Negative, of course, negative. Because from all of those persecutions, from all those negative sayings, negative opinions they throw at the community, the LGBTQ+ community specifically, you start to feel like you’re being targeted. It affects you because you know your part of that community. It’s like a negative label on you, and you start to think you’ll feel down when you consider it. For example, when they say… because it’s true that famous phrase “gay people are a scourge on society,” they say that. It’s not just said casually; it’s like that. Of course, when you know your part of that community, you’ll think you’ll be affected; you’ll feel it since many will distance themselves from you and avoid you. It negatively affects my mental health and my overall well-being.” Moreover,

Participant 2 said, “Because my mom knows, and she’s the most religious among us. She tells me bluntly that I’ll rot or burn in hell, that I should be scared, scared of God. Pray for it. It’s like that. It’s impactful, especially with family; it can hurt you, especially your mental health, as that’s the first thing that gets affected. I feel like if it continues, I might just end up depressed.” Lastly,

Participant 7 said, “Regarding mental health, others don’t understand. Of course, those are the ones who contribute negatively to your mental health, saying it shouldn’t be this way, it shouldn’t be like that.”

Unwelcome :

Additionally, the participants experience negative effects on their mental health due to feeling of being unwelcome by certain churches and their members since they purposefully left them out of church activities as well as being thrown with negative opinions. This sense of unwelcoming and hostility can lead to feelings of isolation, rejection, and emotional distress, which can contribute to their mental health issues.

Participant 5 said, ”100% yes! First, those people inside the church/religion made me feel like I didn’t belong in a way that distanced themselves from me, or sometimes they wouldn’t inform me about the happenings or events in our church. Perhaps because they don’t want to see me or be with me, and they believe that I deserve to be condemned because their beliefs label someone like me in the LGBTQ+ community as “SINFUL.” It’s as if they are super holy and saintly, which makes me feel alone and not part of the community that once gave me support. Now, it’s more about them causing problems and stress for me every day. “

This qualitative phenomenological research study aimed to identify the conflicts experienced by LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties and how they perceived their religion as a source of support and resilience towards their wellbeing. A total of seven (7) LGBTQ+ individuals participated in this study and mainly provided their personal experiences and perceptions towards their sexuality and their strong religious affiliation. The researchers were able to gather data through in-depth interviews. The researchers obtained their experiences, such as the inequitable and oppressive treatment, ecclesiastical dilemmas, and positive and negative effects of their religion on them and their well-being. This study aimed to delve into the experiences of LGBTQ+ individual with strong religious ties, specifically the conflicts and effects of their religion on them. Furthermore, their stated experiences revealed the specific conflicts they encounter because of their sexual identity and their religion, as well as their perception of their religion in terms of providing support to them. This current study regarding LGBTQ+ individuals and their religious ties adds to the existing body of knowledge by emphasizing and focusing on the conflicts and perception of support experienced by these individuals. To achieve the study’s objectives, the data gathered by the researchers were analyzed using thematic analysis [44].

First, in analyzing the conflict experienced by LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties, which is inequitable and oppressive treatment. It emerged that this LGBTQ+ individual with strong religious ties experienced narrowly entrenched in fixed beliefs, harsh and unequivocal disapproval, unjust differentiation based on individual attributes, deliberate societal omissions, mistreatment, blackmailing, helplessness, and humiliation. Mainly because their religion itself and its members mainly condemn their sexual orientation as being morally wrong and sinful. The participants noted the various unsolicited opinions and damaging actions of the church and its members toward them. Furthermore, under ecclesiastical dilemmas, LGBTQ+ individuals also experienced forceful and unfair rules of the church, perceived them as giving faulty teachings of the church, and the loss of belief in one’s religion since the church and the people inside it strongly teaches that having a relationship to same-sex, cross-dressing, and being LGBTQ+ members is morally wrong and that they do not abide by what is written in the bible which also tells them that they will suffer and burn in hell if they continue to be one. The LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties experienced all themes and sub-themes. In line with the literature, the individuals in this study shared various conflicts that they experienced with their religion and its members, which are predominantly damaging. The findings complement the study of [47] in which they highlighted that participants received negative messages from their religious communities about their sexual orientation, leading to profound feelings of shame and guilt. These messages reinforced the belief that being LGBTQ+ was considered a sin within these religious contexts. Additionally, [51] study exposes the prevalence of negative attitudes towards LGBTQ+ individuals among healthcare, social care, and social work students and professionals with religious affiliations in the UK. The strong link between religious beliefs and unfavorable views of LGBTQ+ people, particularly among Christian and Muslim practitioners and students, highlights a significant issue.

On the other hand, in analyzing the perception of LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties about their perception of their religion in terms of providing support and resilience. According to them, partly they perceived their religion in having a positive effect, which mainly provided a support system to them since, according to the participants, even though they experienced discrimination towards their religion and its members, it also provided them emotional support in terms of uplifting them, especially in the worst part of their life and find their religion as last sort of hope. In addition, open-minded members of their religion provide them with emotional acceptance, understanding, and emotional support. Moreover, because of their autonomy, the participants still perceived their religion as a positive contributor in terms of providing them a sense of support and resilience since they can disregard, filter, and not focus on the negativity thrown at them by their religion and their co-members as their faith is stronger than those degradations they receive. This result of the study [34], reveals that family acceptance with strong religious faith serves as a protective factor for LGBTQ+ youth’s mental well-being, irrespective of their religious background. Higher levels of family acceptance are associated with lower levels of depression among LGBTQ+ youth. In addition, it suggests that religiosity can have a protective effect on mental health, including a lower likelihood of developing depression over time. This viewpoint emphasizes that, in the general population, religious engagement is associated with better mental health outcomes, potentially conflicting with the findings mentioned above concerning LGBTQ+ individuals. Furthermore, according to [18], Despite facing discrimination and rejection, these individuals actively seek ways to harmonize their faith with their sexuality. They display remarkable determination and resilience, driven by a belief that their sexuality should not be rejected or suppressed while maintaining a strong connection to their religion.

Moreover, LGBTQ+ individuals also perceived their religion as hurting them. They are being blamed for their unfortunate experiences, and they feel depressed because of lack of prayer and because they committed a sin as homosexuals’ which resulted in their poor mental well-being as there is a lack of support provided towards them. Accordingly, negative criticisms are the main reason why the participants feel excluded and unsupported by the people they believe the most in terms of understanding them and accepting them since various humiliation, degradation, and mistreatment are given to them which also leads to negative implications towards their mental health or wellbeing. Lastly, unwelcome treatment resulted in isolation and exclusion of the church and its members towards the participants since they intentionally left them out in church activities and personal interactions which then also led to a decrease to no support at all towards their wellbeing. Similarly, according to [52], it suggests that the rejection of organized religious affiliation may be the path to resolution for many devoutly religious LGBTQ+ individuals, driven by a commitment to self-identity and sexuality. Accordingly, Goodwin (2022) underscores the negative impact of religious trauma on the mental health of LGBTQ+ individuals. Experiences such as spiritual abuse were consistently associated with higher levels of depression, anxiety, and psychological distress. This highlights the significant harm that certain religious environments can inflict on the mental well-being of LGBTQ+ individuals. Moreover, [24] further emphasizes the prevalence of adverse religious experiences (AREs) among LGBTQ+ individuals raised in authoritarian religious environments. The majority of participants reported experiencing AREs, which were strongly correlated with negative or disaffirming LGBTQ+ beliefs within religious contexts.

Theoretical Triangulation

Within the domain of gender discrimination, the Social Identity Theory by Tajfel & Turner [30] assumes significant pertinence about how individuals perceive and interact with others based on their gender. Gender plays a key role in shaping social identity among numerous societies. Individuals and society tend to classify themselves and others into distinct categories of male or female, resulting in gender-based in-groups and out-groups. The classification process can engender biases, preconceptions, and discriminatory practices depending on gender. For example, the formation of preconceptions about the talents and societal duties of individuals based on their gender can lead to biases in several domains such as employment selection, career advancement, and other aspects of daily existence. Gender discrimination can be observed in the form of disparities in opportunity, discrepancies in compensation, and differential treatment. These manifestations are based on individuals’ identification with their gender group and the possibility of favoring their group over others.

Accordingly, the Social Learning Theory, formulated by Albert Bandura, is a thorough theoretical framework for comprehending the processes involved in the learning and continuing discriminatory attitudes and behaviors of gender and sexual orientation. Observational learning constitutes a fundamental component of this theoretical framework, wherein individuals acquire actions and beliefs through seeing others. Inside the realm of gender and sexual orientation discrimination, individuals frequently bear witness to instances of biased and discriminatory behaviors inside their familial units, among their acquaintances, through media outlets, and throughout the broader societal fabric. Observational learning serves to reinforce and sustain biased behaviors and beliefs. Hence, the influence of role models shapes individuals’ behaviors and attitudes. When prominent individuals demonstrate discriminatory conduct towards individuals of diverse genders or sexual orientations, they function as role models for others to emulate. These role models that engage in discriminatory behavior serve to strengthen and sustain biases. By the principles of Social Learning Theory, there is a notable emphasis on reinforcement processes. Individuals may exhibit a greater propensity to participate in discriminatory conduct when they perceive that engaging in such activity leads to benefits or remains unopposed. On the other hand, promoting and recognizing fair and inclusive attitudes and behaviors might result in developing more egalitarian beliefs and actions. Cognitive processes, such as attention and memory, significantly shape individuals’ cognitive processing and internalize information about discrimination. It is a common tendency for individuals to selectively attend to and prioritize information that is congruent with their pre-existing ideas, hence perpetuating discriminating attitudes. Moreover, societal norms and expectations, which are firmly ingrained in the fabric of society, have the potential to prescribe specific roles and behaviors according to individuals’ gender and sexual orientation. Observational learning and reinforcement mechanisms serve to solidify these discriminatory practices. Therefore, the ramifications of Gender and Sexual Orientation Discrimination are significant. The Social Learning Theory provides insights into how individuals acquire and sustain discriminatory attitudes and behaviors. This highlights the significance of early socialization in influencing prejudiced attitudes and actions. By acknowledging the influence of cultural norms and expectations, treatments and educational programs can potentially address and alter biases and stereotypes by strategically utilizing observational learning, modeling, reinforcement, and cognitive processes. The Social Learning Theory presents a significant conceptual framework that facilitates comprehension and intervention in matters of discrimination, the promotion of inclusivity, and the mitigation of discriminatory actions and attitudes [37].

Moreover, according to Ziva Kunda’s theory of motivated reasoning [29], individuals tend to employ cognitive processes consistent with their pre-existing views, values, and ambitions. The cognitive processes in question are influenced by goals and emotions, rather than being solely driven by rationality. Multiple fundamental mechanisms exist in operation: Confirmation bias refers to the cognitive tendency of individuals to actively seek, interpret, and retain information that aligns with their pre-existing ideas while simultaneously rejecting or downplaying information that contradicts those beliefs. Within the framework of the church’s doctrinal perspectives on homosexuality, individuals may engage in a deliberate pursuit of religious scriptures or hermeneutical analysis that substantiate their opposition to the LGBTQ+ community. Furthermore, dissonance reduction pertains to the phenomenon wherein individuals face knowledge that contradicts their existing views, resulting in cognitive dissonance. In this context, cognitive dissonance refers to the psychological pain that results from maintaining contradictory ideas. To mitigate this discomfort, individuals may resort to motivated reasoning as a means to uphold their pre-existing beliefs, even if those beliefs entail discriminatory attitudes towards those who identify as homosexual. Moreover, Selective Exposure suggests that individuals seek out and engage with information sources that align with their pre-existing beliefs. This phenomenon has the potential to foster echo chambers within religious communities, wherein individuals predominantly engage with like-minded peers and consult materials that bolster their anti-LGBTQ+ convictions. The intricate nature of the association between the church and homosexuality is characterized by its variability among diverse religious denominations and across individuals. The hostility to homosexuality within certain religious communities can be attributed to traditional religious views, which are often derived from sacred books and teachings. For instance, specific excerpts within the Bible have been subject to interpretations that denounce homosexuality. In addition, the phenomena of motivated reasoning and discrimination: Motivated reasoning has the potential to amplify discrimination within the realm of homosexuality. When members of religious societies are driven to uphold their conventional beliefs, they may employ cognitive processes that strengthen their resistance against homosexuality. This phenomenon can present itself in a multitude of ways, which may include Resistance to Change: Individuals can exhibit resistance when confronted with alterations in society’s views and legal rights that are supportive of LGBTQ+ individuals. Motivated thinking may prompt individuals to disregard these changes, perceiving them as incongruent with their religious values. Furthermore, it is important to consider the phenomenon of stigmatization of LGBTQ+ individuals. This stigmatization occurs as a result of individuals engaging in motivated reasoning processes, which subsequently leads them to perceive homosexuality as morally objectionable or wicked. Furthermore, the phenomenon of rejecting scientific data can also be observed in cases where individuals are motivated by personal biases, leading them to dismiss scientific information that supports LGBTQ+ rights or the notion that sexual orientation is an innate characteristic rather than a conscious decision [29].

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

                This chapter contains the summary of this research, conclusions based on these findings, and the recommendations given by the conclusions given.

       This qualitative study aimed to explore and understand the conflicts that Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties experienced and their perception towards their religion in terms of providing support and resilience towards them. The researchers wanted to explore the following research questions: (1) How do Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties perceive their religion as a source of support and resilience and (2) what are the main sources of tension or conflict experienced by Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals in reconciling their sexual orientation and religious beliefs. The Researchers gathered all the vital data through an in-depth interview, wherein seven (7) Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals with strong religious ties were interviewed. Thematic analysis was used to understand further and make sense of the experiences of individuals.

In this study, the Filipino LGBTQ+ with strong religious ties participants reported various conflicts they encountered because of their sexual identity and their strong religious affiliation. First is that conflict arises from the belief of their religion and its members that homosexuality is a sin and morally wrong, that it strongly contradicts what is written in the bible which leads to inequitable and oppressive treatment towards the participants. And in return, made them feel helpless, guilty, and shamed during religious activities or sacraments as well as when they are simply having an interaction with their co-religious members. Because of these negative religious experiences, Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals feel like not all teachings from the bible or any holy sacraments should be followed and understood since for them, most of its contents are just there to persecute them and condemn them even if they do not do anything that is considered to be morally wrong. This experience led them to lose their motivation to attend mass and some of the religious activities of their religion because of the discrimination they experienced. It affected their well-being negatively because they expected that their religion and its members should be the ones who should help them find support and resilience but they received the opposite. However, some of the participants stated that they still perceived their religion as having a positive effect on their well-being, such as providing a sense of support since some of their church members are open-minded in terms of their sexuality which made them feel accepted and included which positively contributed to their well-being as they received the support they needed. Through their autonomy, they can disregard all the negativity that surrounds them such as discrimination and exclusion since for them, their faith is stronger than the oppression they received, all they need is their faith and the people who accept them which results in them feeling still supported by their religion, faith, and the people around them, thus positively contributed to their well-being and source of support.  This shows. Despite living in a modern world, the deep-seated belief towards LGBTQ+ individuals is still prevalent and strong enough to harm and affect an individual.

The study contributes to the body of knowledge and research regarding the conflicts experienced by Filipino LGBTQ+ individual in reconciling their sexuality and their religion as well as their perception towards their religion in terms of providing support and resilience towards them. Generally, the study results demonstrate various conflicts experienced by the participants while reconciling their identity with their religion. Notably, churches always inculcate to LGBTQ+ members to change themselves and abide by what is written in the bible since it is a sin to be that way, which is being homosexual. This teaching of the church negatively affected the LGBTQ+ participants since church members also condemn and mainly discriminate against them because of the faulty teachings of the church which leads to oppressive treatment. Moreover, their perception of the support in their well-being and resilience by their religion are mainly negative experiences, they are at the point wherein they are questioning their religion if they should continue or abandon it because of the experiences mentioned above. Although they still find support because of their religion, their faith and some people who understand their religion help them navigate their problems and find hope through them. However, predominantly, it provided them with stress and guilt that negatively affected their well-being since support was not always present.

Recommendation

Based on the result of the study, it is recommended that religious communities and their members should reevaluate their beliefs and teachings about LGBTQ+ individuals since they mainly experienced discrimination and unjust treatment which is inhumane and against what God promotes, which is peace and respect for everyone. Open-mindedness should be promoted to correct the wrong beliefs about these individuals. And promote a more inclusive environment for them.

The researchers acknowledged a potential limitation in their study: susceptibility to accusations of bias. When examining the data, they applied thematic analysis as their chosen method for analysis. Primarily, this approach heavily depends on the personal interpretations of the researchers. Consequently, achieving a completely bias-free study is challenging, as the results are significantly influenced by the researchers’ preconceived ideas. It is advisable to increase the number of participants to enhance data representation. Expanding the participant count from 7 to at least 15 would provide a more substantial portrayal of the required data. The researchers could only collect data from 3 females out of the 7 interviews. In future studies, researchers should aim for a balanced representation of participants in terms of gender because males and females may exhibit unique conflict experiences and varying perspectives on how their religion supports and fosters resilience.”

Future researchers are recommended to delve deeper into the study, by focusing on the reason why Filipino LGBTQ+ individuals still maintained their ties or affiliation to their religion despite the domination of negative thoughts thrown towards them. Such as identifying their specific coping mechanism. In this way, the other LGBTQ+ individual could learn from their mechanism on how they cope with and maintain their connections in their religion despite the challenges they experience.

Lastly, future researchers may also focus on 2 to 3 specific categories of LGBTQ+ individuals and compare their experienced conflicts. In this way, the researchers may be able to identify if there is less conflict experienced by bisexuals compared to gay individuals or if there is a significantly high difference between their experienced conflict given by their religion and its members or vice versa.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This study will never come into existence without the aid of numerous individuals committed to its completion — we are extending our deepest gratitude to every single one of them. We would want to offer this paper to our deities regardless of religion and beliefs; we thank our corresponding gods and ourselves for bestowing the wisdom necessary to complete this paper upon us; the courage, indomitable will, good health, and unyielding spirit we mustered are not in vain. We would also like to express our deepest gratitude to our research adviser, Mr. Michael Jo S. Guballa for giving us full support and effort to do this research and providing us invaluable guidance throughout this research study. His encouragement and wisdom to continue and finish this paper was highly appreciated. We would also like to thank our professors from the College of Education, Art, and Sciences who spent their time validating our research guide questions, and Mr. Lorenz Cruz for translating the responses. Lastly, we would also like to give special thanks to our participants participating in this study and our parents for granting us financial and moral support to finish our research study. The support they have given us to continue our study means a lot, without their help, we may not be able to complete it.

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Being LGBT in Asia: The Philippine Country Report

May 6, 2014.

Being LGBT in Asia: the Philippines Country Report provides an overview of LGBT rights in the Philippines including the effects of laws, policies, culture and social attitudes, and religion, based on research, consultation and the National LGBT Community Dialogue. This overview is followed by an examination of the Philippines experience of protecting the rights of LGBT people under eight different areas: education, health, employment, family affairs, religion, community, media and politics, using the same methodology as described above. Case studies illustrating success or challenges are included in the relevant areas. The next section examines the capacity of LGBT organizations in the Philippines. This was based on analysis of a participant survey as part of the Dialogue. The final section is a list of recommendations and action points generated by the Dialogue.  In the Philippines, the grouping ‘Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT)’ includes a wide range of indigenous terms with various geographical and subcultural origins. This is defined further in Annex B.

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In Fight for Equal Rights, Queer Filipinos Build Communities on Social Media

PRIDE and Prejudice: Lies Hound the Philippines’ Queer Anti-Discrimination Bill

As of 2022, the Philippines hasn’t enacted into law the SOGIE Equality Bill.

In the Philippines, where the majority are Catholic, those who are queer won’t always find support from their immediate communities. They end up creating their own.

MANILA, Philippines— Mikee walked us through the two-pronged life he’s been living. It’s every bachelor’s dream — or nightmare.

He has his own apartment, takes care of a dog that he bought for $5,000, and travels to cities around the world. The son of a wealthy businessman in a small town, Mikee’s social media accounts display a gallery of a privileged life of someone who appears formal, stiff, and calm. 

But with just a few taps on his phone, he took us to a different side of Twitter and an unrecognizable version of himself: gay, effeminate, and as he described it, “ kanal ” — Filipino for sewer, which in local gay lingo means one who is crass.

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Speaking to us on condition he is not named, Mikee is one of many queer Filipinos who find solace in the internet, afraid of coming out to their conservative families and neighbors. Reluctant and shy at the start of the interview, he got more animated as he described the vibrant queer community on Twitter — what he and his online friends often referred to as “gay Twitter.”

This is not a closed group but a bunch of queer users who follow and interact with each other, forming an extensive network. It’s a safe space where LGBT folks and their allies support and defend one another, anonymously or not. 

Beyond this, the local gay rights movement is pushing for policies that will turn these safe spaces into a reality on the ground, through a  law that punishes discrimination on the basis of one’s sexual orientation, gender identity, or expression (SOGIE) .

The SOGIE bill’s status in the legislative mill illustrates the challenges that the queer community is facing in the country. The bill already passed the committee level at the Senate and was awaiting sponsorship for a plenary discussion, when on February 9, Senate Majority Leader  Joel Villanueva succeeded in reverting it  to the committee level, practically back to square one. Villanueva belongs to a religious group founded by his father, Eddie Villanueva — the Jesus is Lord Movement.

Protests and support

“Building communities” is the social media magic once celebrated before “fake news” became a bigger buzzword. In the Philippines, where the majority are Catholic, those who are queer won’t always find support from their immediate communities. Thanks to social media platforms, however, they are able to find like-minded people, communicate with strangers, and curate connections online, which is useful for those like Mikee, who have come to terms with queerness but not the consequences of coming out.

Young and immersed in pop culture, gay Twitter is filled with memes, celebrity gossip, and the occasional “thirst trap.” While they are spread across political spectrums, the skew toward liberal values is stark. It is often within these communities that support for human rights and the defense of democracy can be found.

Gay Twitter in the Philippines would come to the defense of basic rights that had been under fierce attacks under the previous Duterte administration.

When then-president Rodrigo Duterte and his allies moved to shut down media organizations in the Philippines, for example,  LGBT-focused accounts  were the quickest to protest online. This sector is also behind the biggest online protests on social media, such as the  #OustDuterte campaign  that happened at the onset of the pandemic.

They’re quick to come together in the face of discrimination, such as an incident last year in one of the country’s poshest business districts.

Transwoman Louis Marasigan recalled to us that while shopping at a store in Taguig City, in October of 2022, she was asked by a store clerk to use the male fitting room. Even after saying that she’s a woman and that she would be uncomfortable using the male fitting room, the store still barred her from the female fitting room. The clerk insisted that allowing her would make the other customers uneasy — even if she was the only customer waiting at the fitting room at the time. The store manager, who also happened to be gay, refused to help her.

In tears, Louis recounted the incident on TikTok, where it quickly went viral, drawing widespread reactions from the queer community.

Within hours, her TikTok video was reposted on Twitter and retweeted thousands of times. At its peak, there were at least 25,000 tweets about the incident in a day. 

The support spilled over to the physical world. People started to reach out to Louis to send her comfort food, while business owners invited her to their stores. Most important to her was the legal support she was offered by concerned groups and allies. “The biggest help to me was the legal advice, as well as the support network I was introduced to by Ms. Mela Habijan,” she told us.  Mela Habijan , crowned the first Miss Trans Global in 2020, is a staunch advocate of LGBTQIA+ rights.

The online furor prompted the store to reach out to Louis eventually. They’ve since apologized and clarified that they have gender-sensitive policies in place and were committed to retraining their staff about them.

But the trauma will likely remain, Louis said, recalling the volume of hate she received online. “I received more hate messages after it went viral … especially on Facebook. Some even threatened to kill me,” she said. After the incident, Louis said she was anxious to return to Taguig City for a while, fearing that the threats may actually turn real. “If only there was a law against discrimination, there would definitely have been a case against the store.”

Country of contradictions

Isolation and exclusion are nothing new to the LGBT community in the Philippines.

“For members of the LGBT community, we’ve gotten used to living in a society where we’re always isolated and excluded, so we’re almost always trying to find, search or create communities. That’s where social media has become particularly effective: connecting us to people with similar values,” said Reyna Valmores of the gay rights advocacy group Bahaghari. 

But surveys show otherwise, as some said that the Philippines is one of the most LGBT-friendly countries in Asia. A  recent survey  by the Pew Research Center showed that at least 73% of Filipinos think homosexuality should be accepted by society. This has been the same percentage since 2013, and the earliest conduct of the same survey in 2002 shows that acceptance was already at 64%.  

The Philippines looks like an anomaly in Pew Research Center’s survey. Where data shows a high positive correlation between the country’s wealth and its acceptance of LGBT, the Philippines is almost as accepting of the queer community as its wealthier counterparts. 

Other surveys tell a more complicated relationship between the LGBT community and the predominantly Catholic country. A  Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey  said that at least 60% of Filipinos know someone who is gay, but only 2 out of 10 Filipinos accept same-sex marriage. 

The  2019 SWS survey  added that 60% of Filipinos agree that the LGBT community experience discrimination and 55% are in favor of passing the law protecting their rights. But there are reservations with this support: 47% think transgenders shouldn’t be allowed in female restrooms and 48% do not agree that they should be allowed to change their official documents, such as birth certificates, according to their gender identity. This is on top of the continued discrimination LGBT persons face on the ground, which is documented in different  reports .

This is why advocates like Reyna always emphasize that the Pride movement, as colorful and vibrant as it has become, is still a protest against the systemic discrimination of the LGBT community in the Philippines.

Over the years, they have leveraged the power of social media to spark collective action and challenge the status quo. Many organizations like Bahaghari have relied on the supportive and social media-savvy queer community online to push the gay rights movement forward.

“Members of the community who also want to push for their rights, they know how effective social media can be,” Reyna told us, but with the caveat that activism on the ground is still important. “After all, not every Filipino has access to the internet.”

The SOGIE bill

At the center of the local gay rights movement is the campaign for  a law that punishes discrimination on the basis of one’s sexual orientation, gender identity, or expression.

First filed in Congress in the year 2000, the bill is yet to be enacted into law, becoming the longest-running bill to be under Senate interpellation in the Philippines. Now sitting in the legislative body for 23 years, it’s surpassed even the controversial Reproductive Health Bill, which took 15 years to pass into law. (READ:  TIMELINE: SOGIE equality in the Philippines )

The bill was first filed in 2000 by the late senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago and former Akbayan representative Loretta Rosales. Santiago’s bill focused on  degenderizing the Labor Code  and prohibiting employment discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, while Rosales pushed for an  Anti-Discrimination Act  that tapped into the Bill of Rights, seeking to prohibit broader areas of discrimination on the basis of SOGIE. 

Facing stiff opposition each time they’re proposed, the bills were rejected, redrafted, and then refiled in every Congress since then. 

Religious groups and politicians have made it a point to stop or delay the passage of any law that, in their view, promotes homosexuality and “immorality.” This includes bills on same-sex marriage and even reproductive health.

Advocates, on the other hand, would push for provisions each time the bills were refiled, covering other forms of SOGIE-based discrimination.

Now known as the Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Expression, and Sex Characteristics (SOGIESC) Equality bill, the current version filed in both the House of Representatives and the  Senate  is aiming for equal access of the LGBTQ+ to basic rights and services. 

It proposes the prohibition of discriminatory acts if made on the basis of SOGIESC, including the denial of access to health and public services, refusing admission or expulsion in schools on the basis of SOGIESC, and revoking the accreditation of organizations based on the SOGIESC of members.

It also penalizes other forms of SOGIESC-based harassment, such as forced medical examinations, as well as conversion therapies. The recent versions also include indirect forms of discrimination like the exclusion of an individual from government aid on the basis of their SOGIESC. 

One of the challenges, according to Reyna, is awareness.

”At the basic level, people don’t know what the SOGIE Bill is. Maybe among progressive circles, we do. But if you reach out to communities, they’re always asking, ‘ Ano ba ‘yang SOGIE bill na ‘yan ?’ ('What is this SOGIE bill?') Even if they’re also gay.”

But gay rights groups all over the country have not stopped campaigning for the passage of SOGIESC both on the ground and online. The network graph below presents a snapshot of the tightly-knit gay rights community on Facebook. Each node presents a Facebook page or group that creates or shares content about the SOGIE Bill, and they are linked whenever they amplify or share each other’s content.

In 2018, conversations on SOGIE on social media were still driven by gay rights groups and queer communities. While there were a few faith-based groups posting against the bill, their presence was still insignificant and showed low networked behavior, at least compared to the pro-SOGIE communities.

“The biggest challenge has always been politicians who are dedicated and have made it their life’s work to stop any legislation for the LGBT community,” Reyna said. She singled out former senator Vicente Castelo Sotto III, who, during his term as Senate president, declared that the SOGIE bill  had no chance of passing in the Senate .

Religious vote

Politicians like Sotto are not the exception but the norm in Congress, where lawmakers are held  captive by the religious vote .

The Filipinos’ predominantly Catholic population gives churches so much influence during elections, and some Christian sects have leveraged this by openly endorsing candidates and offering  voting blocs . Some church personalities have also been elected.

For example, the SOGIE Bill’s biggest opposition in the House of Representatives is Manila 6th District Representative Benny Abante, a pastor for the Metropolitan Bible Baptist Church. Abante, who is also chairperson of the House of Representatives committee on human rights, has been blocking the SOGIE bill since its first filing, saying that it would promote “ morally reprehensible sexuality .”

He has made a brand for himself in advocating against the LGBT community: in 2009 he filed a bill  criminalizing the conduct of same-sex marriage , and in November 2022, he filed a bill that seeks to protect heterosexuals in expressing their views against homosexuality.

The pushback against any policy that goes against religious beliefs is just as strong outside the walls of Congress, where religious groups do not shy away from demonstrating the strength of their numbers.  Thousands of religious Filipinos  have marched on the streets to protest against the Reproductive Health Bill, which passed in 2012 after 15 years of push from advocates, with support from the late president Benigno Aquino III. 

In opposing the SOGIE Bill in 2006, Abante also claimed to represent  35,000 churches  all over the country that have come together to unite against the bill.

In the next part of this report, we’ll go through how the same platforms that empowered communities like that of Mikee’s can also empower those who want to silence them. And while social media has given the queer minority a voice, it didn’t take the conservative majority long to retake control of the online discourse, muddle the truth, and defend an oppressive status quo.

Research for this story was made in collaboration with  TheNerve , a Manila-based consultancy that specializes in analyzing data to bring forth powerful insights and narratives .

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In the Philippines, a survey shows growing support for gays and lesbians

Ashley Westerman

Filipino same-sex couples tie the knot in a mass wedding ceremony on June 25, 2023, in Quezon City in metro Manila, Philippines. In a symbolic act against the lack of comprehensive legislation for gender minorities in the Philippines, 29 same-sex couples tied the knot in a mass wedding ceremony organized by the LGBTS (Let God Be Thy Savior) Christian Church Inc. Ezra Acayan/Getty Images hide caption

Filipino same-sex couples tie the knot in a mass wedding ceremony on June 25, 2023, in Quezon City in metro Manila, Philippines. In a symbolic act against the lack of comprehensive legislation for gender minorities in the Philippines, 29 same-sex couples tied the knot in a mass wedding ceremony organized by the LGBTS (Let God Be Thy Savior) Christian Church Inc.

MANILA, Philippines – A sharp majority of Filipinos say they agree that gays and lesbians are trustworthy and contribute to the progress of society, according to a national survey.

The survey, conducted in March by the nonprofit social research group Social Weather Stations and released in June — Pride Month in many nations — shows a substantial rise in supportive views of gays and lesbians in the socially conservative country in the past decade.

In the survey conducted among 1,200 adult Filipinos nationwide, 79% agreed that "gays or lesbians are just as trustworthy as any other Filipino." Meanwhile, the percentage who agree that "gays or lesbians have contributed a lot to the progress of our society" was only a bit lower at 73%.

The Two-Way

Philippines elects first transgender member of congress.

These findings mark a "very strong" increase in sympathetic attitudes toward gays and lesbians over the years. The last time the same question about trustworthiness was asked was 2013, when 67% of respondents agreed with the statement, reported Rappler.com . At the time, only 54% of Filipino adults agreed that gays and lesbians contributed to society.

"We welcome [the results] as a positive development. ... It's quite a big stride, compared to how it was in the 1990s, for example, when the word 'gay' was considered taboo," said Reyna Valmores, the 26-year-old chairperson of the Philippines-based LGBTQ+ organization Bahaghari (or "rainbow" in Tagalog).

However, there is still much public awareness education to be done, noted Valmores. In the same survey, 43% of respondents believe that AIDS is a sickness of gays and lesbians, and 40% of respondents agreed that if there was a gay or lesbian member of their family, they would like them to change and become straight.

Valmores' own story reflects the Philippines' lingering pray-the-gay-away culture. Valmores is a transgender woman who grew up with a conservative father in Tacloban, a city located about 360 miles southeast of the capital, Manila, that she describes as conservative. Valmores says she has been a victim of domestic abuse at home and was not able to transition until college.

"Because I was away from home and had more of an opportunity to explore myself," she says. "Unfortunately, many other trans kids and LGBT kids in general don't have that kind of privilege."

Same-sex couples will now have full adoption rights in Taiwan

The Philippines is a staunchly Christian country. More than 86% of the population identifies as Catholic, while another 8% claims to follow some other form of Christianity. Additionally, many of the laws in the Philippines reflect how socially conservative the country is, including the banning of abortion, divorce and same-sex marriage.

Faith has long been seen as a hurdle for the country's LGBTQ+ communities to flourish and be accepted with rights, such as national anti-discrimination legislation and civil unions, having been argued over for decades. However, there has been some evidence that Filipinos' Catholic faith can also serve to boost the resilience of queer individuals. According to a 2023 article in the journal Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity , some LGBTQ+ adolescents reported that their connection to the divine empowers "them to see the values of their identities" and that they "utilize their faith to their advantage as [a] fount of resilience."

Still, LGBTQ+ advocates in the country say the Philippines has a ways to go in accepting LGBTQ+ individuals for who they are.

"So it's one thing to say out in the open that we consider LGBTQ+ persons to be just as trustworthy as others," Valmores says. "But it's another to have concrete policies and measures in place to ensure that discrimination does not happen across the country — and unfortunately, in that regard, there's still much to be done.

• Philippines

Journal of Public Health Policy and Planning

Research Article - Journal of Public Health Policy and Planning (2018) Volume 2, Issue 3

Exploring challenges and problems faced by LGBT students in Philippines: A qualitative study.

Xijia Tang, Ak Narayan Poudel *

Nuffield Centre for International Health and Development, Leeds Institute of Health Sciences, University of Leeds, United Kingdom.

Accepted date: 15th, 2018

Citation: Tang X, Poudel AN. Exploring challenges and problems faced by LGBT students in Philippines: A qualitative study. J Public Health Policy Plann. 2018;2(3): 9-17.

The Philippines is considered as a gay-friendly country. However, it is reported that Filipino Lesbian, Gay, Transgender and Bisexual (LGBT) community, especially LGBT students are struggling with bullying and discrimination from families, communities and schools. This paper aims to explore the works conducted by the first Filipino student LGBT organization (UP Babaylan), major barriers experienced by the organization, the challenges and problems faced by LGBT Filipino students, and the possible solutions to address these issues. This is a qualitative study and 13 members of the ‘UP Babaylan’ were interviewed after getting written informed consent. All the interviews were transcribed and thematically analyzed using NVivo 11. Findings of the study suggest that the organization has conducted a number of activities, such as educating and sensitizing, coordinating with HIV clinics and other organizations to help LGBT students, lobbying to pass the anti-discrimination bill and conduct UP Pride at the University of Philippines. The main barriers of the organization were the poor support from the government along with the lack of funding and workforce. The lack of legal protection, mental health issues and discrimination at different places were big challenges to Filipino LGBT students. The religion was also not supportive towards LGBT and showed powerful influence on many aspects, including education and politics. To address these issues, educating and sensitizing more people, and engaging LGBT individuals into advocacy were mostly expected. It is recommended to the government to act positively to pass the ‘anti-discrimination bill’ that was already prepared. Other several recommendations were made for different stakeholders including the government, community and universities.

Discrimination, LGBT students, HIV, Mental health, Philippines, Policy.

Introduction

The bullying and discrimination has severely influenced the health of Filipino LGBT students [ 1 - 7 ], but what little there is in the literature, does not focus on this group specifically and only talks about limited aspects [ 7 ]. For instance, in ‘Let us be’ [7], they provided rich information about politics, culture but little about the religious aspect. In ‘Being LGBT in Asia: The Philippines Country Report’ [ 3 ], many aspects were discussed but it did not target particularly LGBT students. Neither of them was based on the perspective of LGBT organization. Therefore, it is worthy to explore the challenges they are facing and figure out the causes of those issues and their possible solutions. Besides, to understand why this country is thought of as a gayfriendly nation even though it has been strongly impacted by a religion profoundly against LGBT issues [ 8 - 10 ], will also be meaningful for both LGBT community and the whole society.

Considering the sensitivity of the topic, this study was conducted in an indirect way. This means, instead of interviewing general LGBT students, we interviewed executive members of an LGBT student organization to understand experiences of LGBT students as well as their own as an LGBT and also an executive member of their organization. In that way, there was no need to ask about the negative experience of general LGBT individuals directly. The chosen organization was UP Babaylan, the first student LGBT organization in the Philippines. It was not only well-known among the students but authorized by the school administration too. The members of UP Babaylan had always been active in LGBT advocacy for 26 years and had made impressive efforts such as lobbying for LGBT bills. Their actions were noticed by the government as well [ 11 ]. Therefore they could provide perspectives from political, religious and social aspects based on their experience, which normal LGBT individuals might not know much about. In addition, members in Babaylan were all LGBT people, so they could provide abundant views on both as an LGBT individual and as an advocate at the same time. All above are the reasons why UP Babaylan and it’s executive members were chosen. This study is a unique in the sense that it is the first LGBT related research conducted in UP Babaylan.

The aim of this study is to understand problems and challenges experienced by LGBT students in the Philippines and explore possible solutions to those issues.

The three objectives of the study are: i) to know about services provided by UP Babaylan to LGBT students in the University of Philippines; ii) to explore main challenges and problems faced by LGBT students through the working experience of Babaylan members; and iii) to figure out possible solutions to the challenges and problems, and provide recommendations to relevant stakeholders (e.g. Ministry of Health, education department, etc.) to build a better environment for Filipino LGBT students.

This study was conducted in the University of the Philippines, Diliman campus, Quezon City, Philippines. Interviews were carried out in the working place of UP Babaylan in the Palma building. As this research aimed to explore a certain phenomenon through people’s experience, it was designed as a descriptive qualitative study, specifically ‘phenomenology’, which is helpful to obtain rich information ‘concerning the current situation of the phenomenon and to describe "what exists" in a situation’ [ 12 ]. It is because the phenomenology is concerned with the lived experiences of the people involved in the research [ 13 ] and it is powerful tool for understanding subjective experience and gaining insights into people’s inspiration and actions [ 14 ]. The homogeneous sampling strategy was used in this study since it is suitable to look for participants who have similar certain characteristics or experiences [ 15 ]. As we would like to select people who work in the same organization and have similar working experiences, this approach fit our aim very well. All the executive members (current or former) were students of the University. Since college students in the Philippines are mostly older than 18, we set the age range as 18 years and older to recruit all the potential participants. The criteria for recruitment were:

The inclusion criteria:

• The University students who self-identified as LGBT and are current or former executive members of UP Babaylan;

• All the people who meet the requirement should also be 18 years old and above; and

• They should be in both sound physical and mental conditions, being able to talk with other for 30-45 min.

The exclusion criteria:

• Students who are not LGBT or who self-defined themselves as LGBT but not executive members of UP Babaylan;

• People who are executive members but younger than 18 years old; and

• People who are executive members but unable to talk for at least 30 min (e.g. due to illness).

The data were collected by semi-structured interviews, which is an appropriate approach to explore people’s perspective [ 15 ]. A topic guide was used by the interviewer in the process, which was adjusted to fit in the context better after two pilot interviews. All the interviews were audio-recorded with consent given. The information sheet and consent forms were provided more than 24 h prior to the interview to allow thinking time to the participants. These forms were presented in English as Filipino students are taught in English, therefore, there was no need for translation. Written informed consents were obtained from each participant before conducting the interviews. The aim of the research was verbally explained prior to starting the interview although information sheet was provided beforehand. 13 interviews were completed in total when the saturation of information had been met. The word ‘saturation’ in research field was first used in a book titled ‘The Discovery of Grounded Theory: strategies for qualitative research’ written by Glaser and Strauss [ 16 ]. According to them, saturation is achieved if the researcher gets similar information over and over and no additional information is received from the extra participants of the study [ 16 , 17 ]. Specifically, the researcher (XT) continued to iteratively collect interview data until there was thematic saturation, which means no new themes were uncovered. The duration of interviews varied from 24 min to 49 min with an average of 35 min. The interviews were recorded to collect the nuances of conversation intact rather than these being subjected to selective forgetfulness or skewed by bias on the part of researchers.

The phenomenological approach was used for data analysis in the study as it works well in studying people’s perspective and describes contents that are suitable for the research with small sample size [ 15 ]. All the audio-recordings were transcribed into texts fully and anonymously. The data was analyzed using a thematic analysis demonstrated by Joffe [ 18 ]. The main processes were: 1) familiarize the transcripts, and code the segments relevant to the research question; 2) examine the codes and sort them into emerging themes that related to the research question; 3) review the themes and create initial definition according to the objectives. Make new themes or subthemes if some codes didn’t fit the existing theme; 4) construct the final form of each theme after mapping and illustration. Each interview was analyzed in the same way by one researcher (XT) and reviewed by another researcher (ANP). All the steps were performed in NVivo 11 software. Figure 1 shows the whole process of data collection and analysis. The ethical approval (FMHREC-17-1.2) was provided by the Leeds Institute of Health Sciences Research Ethics Sub-Committee. There was no need to get the ethical permission from the Philippines as this is not a national-level international researching effort [ 19 ]. The information sheet and consent form were provided to every participant, informing that their confidentiality would be ensured and they were free to withdraw until three days after the interview.

Figure 1: The process of data collection and analysis.

There are four main parts of the findings, which are described in this section: 1) The work of UP Babaylan; 2) The barriers they experienced in the working process; 3) The challenges and problems faced by the LGBT students; and 4) Possible solutions of the challenges and problems ( Table 1 ).

Table 1: LGBT rights in Southeast Asia.

Characteristics of the participants

Table 2 shows that more than half of the participants were from 18-19 years age group (53.8%), all were undergraduates (100%), more than half of them used to be Roman Catholic (53.8%), and majority of them worked in the UP Babaylan for 1 or 2 years (61.6%). For detail characteristics, please see the Table 2 below.

Table 2: Participants’ characteristics.

The work of UP Babaylan

The UP Babaylan was established in 1992 as a support group [ 11 ]. They gradually involved into LGBT advocacy and created the first draft of the national anti-discrimination bill. With the huge contribution made in past decades, UP Babaylan has become well known among students and outside the university.

According to the participants, main activities conducted by UP Babaylan are: education and sentisation, conducting UP Pride annually, cooperating with HIV clinics and other organizations working for LGBT rights, lobbying to pass antidiscrimination bill, and providing necessary support to LGBT students. Among these events, UP Pride is recognized as an official university campaign.

Educate and sensitise people: According to the participants, they conduct education and sensitisation activities in and outside the university. For example, they hold SOGIE (Sexual Orientation Gender Identity and Expression) discussion every semester, they also conduct talk programme on the international day against homophobia, transphobia and biphobia.

“ We do education and discussion. We go to communities and organizations within the university to talk about SOGIE (sexual orientation, gender identy and expression), human rights, HIV/ AIDS. We do these to spread basic knowledge so that more people will know about what we are fighting for” [P3, 20 years] (Note: ‘P3’ means the 3rd participant).

Conduct UP pride: The participants reported that they also conduct UP pride every year in the university. They march in the university and also conduct a concert at that time to sensitise people about LGBT. “We also have a UP pride event which is the very first pride celebration established in the university in the Philippines” [P3, 20 years].

“ We do projects and conduct marches and pride in the university to show other people that we are here and proud of who we are” [P8, 18 years].

Cooperate with HIV clinics and other organizations: They reported that UP Babaylan works in collaboration with HIV clinics where students can have free HIV testing as well as awareness sessions. “We are partners of (HIV) clinics where students can have free HIV testing” [P1, 23 years].

According to the participants, they also work in partnership with other organizations to empower LGBT in schools and colleges. They have sister organizations in other universities. They also have community-based organizations in different communities such as-farming and fishing.

According to a participant: “The second thing we do is community-based partnerships with organizations in different kinds of communities like farming, fishing and urban, rural, MSM and transgender community” [P3, 20 years].

Other participant said: “We are really trying to engage the LGBT in the community. Even in other campus, we have sister organizations which Babaylan is cooperating. And, they can help to establish the LGBT organization in other schools. We conduct partnership event with them so there would be safe spaces in their universities” [P5, 19 years].

Lobbying to pass anti-discrimination bill and other policies: The participants are lobbying with the government to pass the anti-discrimination bill. They also mentioned that they are pushing to change the policies and legislations in the universities to protect LBGT students. “Also lobbying, especially anti-discrimination bill in the Philippines. It is one of our work and also one of our objectives. That also means a lot because you cannot only protect LGBT students but also the whole LGBT community in the country” [P5, 19 years].

Support LGBT students: The main job of the UP Babaylan is to support LGBT students. According to them, they are supporting the students in their personal and professional aspects, providing shelter to needy students. They also support on emotional aspects, provide help to receive mental health service and conduct hotlines to help them.

A participant said, “The LGBT community is more vulnerable to mental health issues. We try to connect with the services here in the UP and also other mental health organizations in and outside UP. We have the hotlines and talk to the organization outside so that we could give these people the help they need” [P11,19 years].

Barriers experienced by the UP Babaylan

Although UP Babaylan is working on above-mentioned fields to sensitise people, prevent HIV/AIDS and protect rights of LGBT students, they are still facing many barriers. Poor support from the government, lack of funding and lack of work force are the main barriers they met, which are described below.

Poor support from the government: According to the participants, lobbying for the anti-discrimination bill is one of the most important work of UP Babaylan. Even though the bill was drafted 20 years ago, the government is delaying it’s approval. With the lack of approval, LGBT people in the Philippines do not feel protected even with strong legal evidence when the discrimination occurs.

“In the Philippines, we don’t have the anti-discrimination law. It means a lot. Inside the legislation, you can pass a lot to protect everyone’s sexual orientation and gender identity and expression. That means to protect everyone from gender based discrimination” [P4, 19 years].

However, a number of politicians are indirectly opposing and trying to delay the whole process. Although the bill has already come to the third reading, which is the furthest it has gone so far, the government as a whole is not supporting enough to give the full approval, and some people in power are opposing it, learnt from the participants.

“Some senators are delaying the implementation of the bill and its passing. It is really hard because we can only do so much. We insist and are determinate to push and fight for the bill. But people in the government don’t show their support and it is hard for the community when people of the power discriminate us” [P8, 18 years].

They also thought that the reasons this situation exists were firstly, because Filipino people, including the senators and politicians, grow up with the strong impact of religion which thinks being homosexual is a sin. Secondly, some government officials lacked of SOGIE knowledge. They still hold negative stereotypes towards LGBT community, which makes it very difficult to pass the bill.

“Most legislators are very against us, and have a very strong religious objection to the LGBT organization” [P6, 22 years].

“Because the bill is still not passed, we don’t have the safe guard from the law that could help us and protect us from the discrimination. It is harder for us as an LGBT to live a decent life just because we are LGBT” [P10, 19 years].

Lack of funding: According to the participants, lack of funding is another major barriers of UP Babaylan to support LGBT students. As the school administration did not provide financial support to student organizations, Babaylan had to generate income by themselves, such as selling T-shirts and umbrellas inside campus. But the outcome can be constrained because of the limited workforce. They could also get sponsorship from companies. However, considering the sensitivity of LGBT issue, only few companies are willing to sponsor, and the funding is usually too little to cover the expenditure. Additionally, some companies only want to sponsor for the popular events like UP Pride rather than providing long-term financial help. Given that, the financial stability cannot be ensured, which would impact the launch of the advocacy.

“Getting sponsorship can be really difficult as a lot of companies are not that friendly and open yet. Every year we have a UP pride, which is a week-long, so we need a lot of money. What happens is we may get to company, we try to cooperate with them, retail food and any sponsor we possibly get. And more often, we get only a few” [P12, 20 years].

Lack of workforce: There is a misconception that UP Babaylan is a huge organization with hundreds of members. According to the participants, they have just 25-30 formal members, of whom only around 15 are active. The reasons of this situation were: firstly the fear of being recognized; many LGBT students are afraid of coming out to their families, whereas joining Babayan would make them identifiable to the public. Also, some parents discourage their children to join Babaylan because they want to hide their children’s sexual orientation. Secondly, the migration of the members to other places. On one hand, members need to graduate every year or focus on other priority like job hunting, which distracts them working for Babaylan; on the other hand, the process of applying for UP Babaylan is complex and this makes some people give up the application. Due to the lack of workforce, UP Babaylan cannot ensure the quality and continuity of some projects.

“From outside, we look like a big organization but we now have only 20-30 members. Although alumni also count, they have to work or other priorities. It slows down our progress. The lack of manpower could lead to a lower quality of the events” [P13, 22 years].

Challenges and problems faced by LGBT students in the Philippines

Known from participants, discrimination from different sides, mental health issues and the lack of recognition from public are main challenges faced by LGBT students in the Philippines.

Discrimination and bullying

(1) Discrimination from academic stuff

Professors and administration employees are highly respected by students, however even in an open-minded place like UP, many of them still would say or do something disrespectful to LGBT students although the students have expressed their dissatisfaction.

“Once in a (….) class, the professor refused to use the female pronoun to call a transgender woman. I think she requested the professor to refer her with female form, but the professor did not agree. Some professors will call a transgender woman ‘Sir’ and it makes her uncomfortable” [P1, 23 years].

Furthermore, in some Catholic schools, LGBT students can be dismissed just because of their sexual orientation and gender identity.

“I know someone who was kicked out by the school because he was gay and it was a Catholic school” [P9, 20 years].

(2) Discrimination from family, friends and employers

The particpants stated that Filipinos have been strongly influenced by the religion and culture. The parents’ generation seems to be hard to accept LGBT and SOGIE knowledge. Some LGBT students were even kicked out by their families and had to live in the shelter. As for friends, some people will judge LGBT students and isolate them if they reveal their gender identity. In the view of Babaylan’s members, being hurt by the closest people in the life can bring the most serious fear and trauma. That makes LGBT people feel more scared to come out to the public and it is also the main cause of mental illness.

“I came from a family that doesn’t recognize LGBT people. I’ve been kicked out by my family because they can’t accept me as a transgender woman, so they sent me out of the house” [P3, 20 years].

“The reason why I did not come out to some of my friends is that I am scared if they find out, they would not be my friends any more. Some friends would not be that close to you. They say negative stuff about you behind your back. It makes it hard to come out because of that fact” [P8,18 years].

The discrimination from work places and schools are also common. Many LGBT students can’t be employed or paid less than others because of their sexual orientation. Cases of sexual harassment and physical or verbal violence still occur to Filipino LGBT students.

“Sometimes LGBT can’t get jobs, they are not paid well because they are thought that they don’t deserve the jobs. People discriminate them in the working places” [P6, 22 years].

“I have been dragged by my classmates for being a gay, from the first floor to the fourth floor in our school building when I was young. Others even have been punched, slapped. Verbal and physical violence occur” [P3, 20 years].

Mental health issue: The participants reported that mental health issue is a severe challenge of LGBT students. The negative experience in daily life, the fear of coming out and being identified by families could all cause mental issues. Those pressures will be added and triggered when a person is mentally ill and an LGBT at the same time. Many people cannot handle their work and study because of the depression, anxiety, or suicidal thoughts. To be specific, four suicide cases were reported in the UP during the last 3 months. A lot of members in Babaylan are diagnosed with mental illness. It influences not only their health but also slows the working process because the organization has to put members’ well-being as the priority.

“It really adds up to the problems they are facing, because it will cause the depression, anxiety, most seriously the death. You are always afraid that people will see you and tell your parents that you are a LGBT person” [P7, 20 years].

The lack of recognition by the public: From the perspectives of the participants, the LGBT community is not well recognized in the country. The public are not willing to know about SOGIE related information and are still having stereotypes towards this minority group.

One typical example is misgendering the transgender and bisexual community. People do not think that a transgendered woman is a real woman. Even those who know a little about SOGIE still believe that there are only gays and lesbians in the world. One possible reason for this binary thought is that in Tagalog (the Filipino language), there are only words for gay (bakla) and for lesbian (tomboy), and no equivalent terms for transgender and bisexuality. Therefore, people think these two minorities don’t really exist and they express themselves differently just to be sexually attractive.

“Sometimes it hurts me when my friends misgender me and it triggers my dysphoria. I still work hard to explain my identity, even if I do, people still split it off” [P12, 20 years].

The participants revealed that some bars and organizations do not allow transgender people to enter or apply. The discrimination also happens when they use the bathroom. For example, in some shopping malls and universities, transgender people are not permitted to use the bathroom which they prefer. The poor recognition has brought them extra pressure and led to mental illness.

“I have a trans-friend who entered female bathroom, she was wearing feminine clothing, the guard shouted at her to go out. She argued, she explained her identity as a transgender girl, the guard didn’t have it. He kept making her go to the male bathroom until the argue is getting loud and people were staring, so she had to walk away and went to the opposite restroom. This triggered her for sure” [P11, 19 years].

The knowledge about HIV is also limited. People will strongly associated HIV/AIDS with gay people and the whole LGBT community, with the thought that it is a disease which only gays have. This stereotype affects not only LGBT community but also stigmatises people living with HIV.

Additionally, people who are against LGBT would attack the LGBT community on social media, a platform that quickly spreads messages, stated by a participant. Aggressive comments can be reposted over hundreds of times. People who read it would easily believe the posts and form the negative impression to LGBT. It harms the reputation of the whole community and makes advocacy harder.

“My friend saw the tweets and asked me why LGBT are problematic. The power of language is very strong. Our advocacy and events are invalidated, we lose support just because one person said something and others support it. It hurts the advocacy” [P13, 19 years].

Besides, some participants believed that the social hierarchy is a Filipino-particular factor that leads to the surface-level recognition. As a lower middle-income country, poverty has been considered as the priority among all the social issues, so LGBT issues, which is considered a middle-class struggle, cannot be emphasised more than the poor’s struggle. According to the particiants, the LGBT community has been always blamed that they never concern and help poor people but only concentrate on themselves. However, Babaylan’s members think that LGBT people exist in every class and actually most of them come from the lower class, so their issue belongs to the lower class, and LGBT rights are human rights rather than something special. Thus, they are standing by the intersectionality of social problems and pushing forward not only the equality of this minority but of the whole society.

“So they attack us because we don’t help the poor or the events don’t focus on the poor. But that’s not true because even inside the organization, our social class are not the same. We solve each problem in the same manner and time frame, basically the intersectionality. What we are fighting for is not all about gender but struggles that everyone faces” [P13, 19 years].

Possible solutions of the challenges and problems faced by the LGBT students

A number of suggestions were provided by the participants to resolve the challenges faced by the LGBT students in Philippines. These are to separate the church from government activities and decisions, to improve access of LGBT to medical services, to pass anti-discrimination bill and to conduct more education and sensitization activities.

More education and sensitization: Many participants gave emphasis on education and sensation of more people to improve current discrimination against LGBT. According to them nothing improves unless they do not understand about Sexual Orientation, Gender Identification and Expression (SOGIE) issues. They think there are still a number of misconception about the LGBT community and these misconception should be removed by educating and sensitizing more people.

We want to educate everyone so they would understand oh this is why they fight for it, this is why the advocate for LGBT rights. If the public and the government can be educated, it will become much easier, as these conception like SOGIE are sort of difficult to understand, and you are not going to advocate something that we don’t understand, so we have to bring the education to the public, so that we can make the wide-spread change and action for LGBT community [P11, 19 years].

Pass anti-discrimination bill: According to the participants, they will be lobbying continuously to pass the antidiscrimination bill. They keep pushing the government because they think that if the anti-discrimination bill will be passed, only then they will feel secured.

“This information was institutionalized by the government, for example, if LGBT were recognized by law, and antidiscrimination bill can be passed, that would be the law protecting us” [P12, 20 years].

“For the government, pass the (anti-discrimination) bill, make the bills, and make the country safer for LGBT people” [P9, 20 years].

Separate church: The participants reported that there is big role of church for delaying bill to be passed by the government. They think the government could pass the bill if the church does not interfere the government. Therefore, they want the church should work separately and should not interfere the government work.

A participant stated: “We have to insist on the separation of the church (to pass the bill), which is already provided by the constitution” [P3, 20 years].

Other: The participants also provided other suggestions to resolve the problems faced by LGBT students. According to them, there should be better access of LGBT students to medical services and there should be partnership with mental health organization to resolve mental and other health issues suffered by the LGBT students.

A participant said: “I think what we could provide is the partnership with the mental health orgasitaion and find LGBT and mental health cases …. Since obviously we can’t make every LGBT student to join Babaylan to help the advocacy, but providing those service is much hard” [P11, 19 years].

Another participant talked about the freedom to unite and make LGBT organizations: “I think university should give LGBT students the freedom to organise, there are not many LGBT organizations in schools as the country is religious. In other universities, when people want to have LGBT organization, they are not allowed because their school is Catholic school. In UP, it is easier because we are a state university instead of Catholic or private one” [P9, 20 years].

UP Babaylan is an LGBT organization established by the students of the University of Philippines in 1992. Since its establishment, the organization has done many activities to support the LGBT students [ 11 ]. The members have been involved in LGBT advocacy, contributed to draft the antidiscrimination bill to pass by the government, educated and sensitise people, and coordinated with HIV clinics and other organizations to support problems and issues faced by LGBT communities in and out of the university. The organization has done considerable work to protect LGBT communities in their health, social, and political dimensions.

The Philippines held the earliest LGBT advocacy in Asia [ 6 ] and made great contribution in the past decades. For example, some cities passed local ordinances to protect LGBT community, and the national anti-discrimination bill has reached the final reading recently [ 20 , 21 ]. Therefore, it is not surprising that the country could rank one of the most LGBT-friendly nations [ 6 ]. But found from this study, the acceptance of LGBT community is still at the surface-level. The community, especially LGBT students have been struggling with bullying, discrimination and severe mental health issues. It was the gap between the progress and the remained problems that caused this misconception.

The society in general is showing a more positive attitude towards LGBT community than before, proved by Tubeza’s [ 22 ] 2013 survey – 73% Filipinos agreed that LGBT community deserved the acceptance, comparing with 9% in 2002. But what the findings implicated was that LGBT students were still experiencing a passive tolerance rather than fully accepted. The government was not supportive, which was the main cause of the lack of legal protection [ 7 , 23 ]. This kind of social atomosphere made it hard for LGBT organizations to get enough fund and workforce. Likewise, discrimination and bullying were still taking place. For instance, the transgender people were not allowed to use the bathroom they prefer and LGBT students were treated unfairly at schools and work places, and even kicked out by their families. The findings were also supported by previous studies [ 24 , 25 ] . A study in the Philippines had reported that half of the bixesual people experienced insults from their friends and they were not accepted by their families [ 26 ]. These findings are in line with our study. Thus, LGBT are experiencing many negatives from different stakeholders of the society, which triggers their dysphoria and leads to mental illness, even suicides. However, this problem was generally poorly addressed in the Philippines and worldwide [ 27 ].

The findings indicated that UP Babaylan tried to offer the first response to members stuck with mental health issue, but the quality of services could be impacted due to the lack of training and poor connection with professional institutes. The similar situation also occurred in Canada [ 28 ]. Therefore, the possible solution of this issue could be conducting more trainings on psychological skills and establish a stronger partnership with mental health institutes, so that more people would be helped effectively.

Another challenge which particularly exists in Filipino context is the powerful religious impact. The Catholic Church ‘imposes conservative moral ideologies, influencing the public and policies on education, LGBT representation in government, and medical services’ [ 10 ]. Although the constitution declared that ‘the separation of Church and State shall be inviolable and full respect for all Filipinos' human rights’ [ 7 , 23 ], same-sex marriage, the approval of anti-discrimination bill and LGBT involvement in election were all hampered their authority. The given reason being that was ‘offending religious beliefs’ [ 7 , 29 ]. Therefore, to separate the church was frequently mentioned by participants as an essential solution as it would not only help to pass the bill but also reduce constraints when conducting LGBT advocacy.

Besides, education should be used as the fundamental solution to address the poor public awareness towards the LGBT community [ 30 ]. The LGBT organizations should be responsible in conducting educational campaigns about SOGIE knowledge. It is important to reach the core population, including government officials, teachers, and community leaders [ 7 ] because more senators and politicians would possibly support passing anti-discrimination legislation if they are equipped with proper knowledge, and the community would be more open to accept these campaigns if leaders were well-educated at first. For schools, many participants reported that they have limited access to SOGIE knowledge with heterosexual students and teachers not being educated well [ 7 ]. Even in the United Kingdom (UK), nearly 80% secondary school teachers did not receive any specific training [ 31 ]. Therefore, more educational activities should be held, especially in Catholic schools in order to deliver related information to teachers and students.

Media and the internet can also be utilised to educate people. Although there were some TV programmes for LGBT representatives in the Philippines, it’s still too few to draw people’s attention [ 3 ]. The education would reach a larger population if more opportunities can be provided to LGBT organizations or individuals on these platforms [ 3 ].

As for engaging LGBT people, there are several things can be done. Firstly, help the advocates who are in trouble to get back to work, by means like providing psychological consultation and the temporary shelter for the homeless members. Secondly, it is significant to establish LGBT organizations in universities which don’t have any, so that more LGBT individuals could involve in the advocacy [ 7 , 22 ] as the institutional support can make the environment safer for LGBT [ 7 , 23 ] . Finally, to simplify the application process if it is too complex for applicants to fully complete. In that way, the organization could recruit more members.

In conclusion, the findings indicated a slow progressive living environment of Filipino LGBT students, who lack legal protection; suffer from mental health issues, opposed by religion and so on. The possible solutions such as separating church from the government’s work, educating and sensiting more people, and organising and engaging LGBT individuals were suggested by the study. The findings have significant international health implication because it could draw people’s attention of the wellbeing of LGBT students not only in conversative countries but also in ‘gay-friendly’ nations like Philippines. The mental and physical health of LGBT community, especially students should be paid much attention.

Speficially, following recommendations are made for different stakeholders:

• We would like to recommend all LGBT organizations working in the Philippines to conduct more professional trainings to deal with mental health issues of LGBT students, working with the universities and mental health clinics to treat serious issues of mental health.

• We would like to suggest the LGBT organizations which have complicated application process to simplify it so that they could recruit more members for their organizations to increase helping hands in the advocacy and other supportive works.

• We want to recommend the LGBT organizations and students to participate more in social media debates, such as in TV programmes, YouTube videos, online discussion or in activities to deliver SOGIE information.

• We would like to recommend the Philippino communitybased organizations to organise SOGIE related trainings to the community administers, as well as families who have LGBT children, with the help of LGBT organizations.

• We would like to recommend schools and universities in the philippines to establish supportive policies, which include the freedom to LGBT students be organised, establish LGBT organizations, hold LGBT advocacy, wear uniforms and access facilities consistent with students’ self-expressed gender identity, and provide quicker response system to mental health issues of the students.

• We would also like to recommend to provide training to school or college teachers and staff to respond bullying and harassment; and integrate comprehensive SOGIE knowledge with other courses.

We would like to recommend the Government of Philippines to advance passing of the anti-discrimination bill; separate the obligations with the church according to the Constitution, especially when it comes to LGBT issues; and ensure the equal rights of LGBT community on education, healthcare (mainly sexual and mental health) and employment and to organise themselves.

Limitation of the Study

We included only the executive members of the UP Babaylan in this study and there is lack of opinions from other stakeholders, such as the university staff, government official, NGOs and INGOs working with LGBT. This hindered to obtain a wide range of opinioins on the issues we discussed in this study. Therefore, there is lack of triangulation of the findings obtained in this study. This limits generability of our findings. However, collecting and analyzing qualitative data from various stakeholder groups was not the original aim of this study. Therefore, we have left this for further research inquiry.

Abbreviations

AIDS: Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome; HIV: Human Immunodeficiency Virus; HRW: Human Right Watch; LGBT: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender; SOGIE: Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Expression; UN: The United Nations; UP: The University of the Philippines; USAID: United States Agency of International Development; WHO: World Health Organization

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank all our participants involved in this study for providing their valuable time and opinions. We were always being impressed by these amazing people. Their perspectives were more than just research data, but also a precious lessons we learnt. We would like to thank our host, Ron Vincent Delos Angeles, for his kindness and support to organize all the interviews. Even though the monsoon slowed down the process, he still managed to help us to recruit the participants. This study can’t be completed in time without his continuous support. We would also like to thank our families and friends for their continuous moral supports throughout the study. We would like to thank all the staff of Nuffield Center for International Health and Development, University of Leeds, for their warm comfort and strong support to complete this study successfully.

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The state of LGBTQ rights and welfare in the Philippines

The moderators provide an overview of the current situation of LGBTQI rights, lives, and welfare in the Philippines. Xavier’s report centered on the criminalization, protection, and recognition of queer people and their identities in the country and Bea’s discussion zoomed in further on how LGBTQI Filipinos survive and thrive as individuals, form relationships with others, and think of themselves.

Speakers: Engr. Xavier Javines Bilon and Beatriz A. Torre Organization: UP School of Statistics

Does your city/municipality have an anti-discrimination ordinance (ADO)? If yes, read it. If no ADO exists, look for the nearest city/municipality that has an ADO and read it. Then, answer the questions below:

• What discriminatory acts does the ADO protect LGBTQI people in your city/municipality against?
• Does the ADO have protections that are specific to transgender people (in terms of their gender identity), gender non-conforming people (gender expression), and intersex people (sex characteristics)?
• Does the ADO provide enough protection for LGBTQI people against discrimination in your city/municipality? If yes, how so? If not, how can the ADO be improved?
• Identify a specific LGBTQI subgroup (e.g., lesbian women). What are some minority stressors that LGBTQI people from your chosen subgroup experience in their everyday lives?
• Are there any similarities or differences between the stressors that lesbian women, gay men, bisexual people, transgender and queer people, and intersex people deal with?
• Does the lack of a national anti-discrimination law or legal protection against SOGIESC-based discrimination contribute to minority stress? If yes, how so? If no, why not?
• What can schools, workplaces, and other institutions or services (e.g., healthcare) do to lessen the minority stress that LGBTQI people experience and to ensure that LGBTQI people not only survive, but also thrive?

On the criminalization of same-sex sexual behavior: The International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association (ILGA World) depicts the state of sexual orientation laws worldwide in this comprehensive map (links to download: English, .pdf / .png ; Filipino/Tagalog .pdf / .png ; other languages also available ). The map specifically includes data on the protection against SOGIESC-based discrimination, marriage equality, adoption rights, as well as the criminalization of same-sex sexual behavior, restrictions on freedom of speech and registration/operation of civil society organizations (link to download: .xlsx ).

On gender recognition: This map by ILGA also illustrates the state of gender recognition worldwide (Links to download: English, .pdf / .png ; Atlantic-centered maps also available ). In countries where gender recognition is possible, the laws range from self-identification (least restrictive) to surgery and/or sterilization requirements (most restrictive). Equaldex also has a map specific to the recognition of non-binary genders (English). As of writing, only 16 countries and territories legally recognize non-binary and third genders.

On anti-discrimination ordinances in the Philippines: Engr. Xavier Bilon has compiled the more than 30 anti-discrimination ordinances that have been passed in various Philippine barangays, cities, municipalities, and provinces from 2009 to 2021 . He has also made infographic-maps of these ordinances available (Google Drive download links: 1 and 2 ), as well as a short history of the anti-discrimination bill in Philippine Congress as of 2018 .

On minority stress theory: This literature review on bisexual-specific minority stress found that when compared to heterosexual people, lesbian women, and gay men, bisexual people have a higher risk of developing negative health outcomes in terms of mental health, substance use, and sexual health. It also discusses this finding in the context of bisexual minority stress and explains that this is partly because of the stigma and discrimination that bisexual people experience.

• Philippines

In the Philippines, You Can Be Both Openly LGBT and Proudly Catholic. But It’s Not Easy

G abb’z Gabriel is the very definition of a devout Roman Catholic. He even aspired to be a priest. At 12, he became part of his church’s youth ministry in Quezon City, about 10 km from the Philippine capital of Manila. He has attended religious processions of Holy Week flagellants, walking barefoot on sweltering asphalt. Now 35, he’s a regular choir member, and sometimes reads scripture to parishioners. In his free time, he maintains religious statuary and icons used on religious holidays.

Gabriel is just one of the more than 80 million people in the Philippines, about 85% of the population, who profess the Catholic faith. But in a crowd of churchgoers on Black Saturday, he stands out with his shoulder-length black hair, his sleeveless kimono haltered by a pink belt, singing the Lord’s praises in a falsetto voice. “I am a gay man,” he tells TIME. “My gender expression is feminine.”

The Philippines is known to be one of the most LGBT-friendly countries in Asia, despite its deeply entrenched Catholic culture. LGBT people have carved out their own space in the country’s churches, even taking up key roles in spreading the faith. As Catholicism worldwide seeks to reconcile its difficult relationship with sexual orientation and gender expression, this devoutly Catholic Southeast Asian country is an embodiment of both conflict and harmony between doctrinaire teachings on identity and modernity.

Read more : Homophobia Is Not an Asian Value. It’s Time for the East to Reconnect to Its Own Traditions of Tolerance

“I think the acknowledgement that a person has multiple dimensions made it easier for me to live this life,” Gabriel says, of his identity as a gay Catholic. “I am not living separate lives—I’m not living as an LGBT person outside the Church and then a Catholic inside the Church.”

Dialogue, even with conservative fundamentalists opposing his way of life, is how he reconciles his faith with religious doctrines that marginalize him.

With over 1.2 billion members worldwide, the Roman Catholic Church has enormously influenced modern life, laws, and customs. But LGBT rights in Catholic countries have faced strong pushback from conservatives, who cite Bible verses and Church documents to assert their opposition to homosexuality and support their rigid insistence that there are only two genders.

Nevertheless, Catholicism has responded to cultural changes and demands for inclusivity. Pope Francis hinted at these changes as early as 2013, with his famed “Who am I to judge?” remark on gay clergymen. But even his attitude to the LGBT community is complicated: he supports same-sex civil unions , but opposes marriage and gay priests joining the Church . Gender theory for Pope Francis is a “ confused concept of freedom ,” but he welcomes LGBT individuals into the faith and has taken the issue of inclusivity much farther than any of his predecessors, ruffling orthodox feathers.

More from TIME

The Philippines, with its relatively relaxed social norms on LGBT issues, chimes with the Pope’s message. If an LGBT person is visibly professing the faith, the Catholic laity finds them “tolerable,” says Jayeel Cornelio, a sociologist of religion at Ateneo de Manila University.

Folk Catholicism in the Philippines

Pre-colonial animistic religion in the Philippines embraced gender plurality. Indigenous priestesses, known as the babaylan , were revered. While most were female, some were male shamans who “ marry other males and sleep with them .” These men would dress like women, a practice permissible in pre-colonial culture. It was only with the arrival of Spanish conquistadores during the 16th century that the status of the babaylan changed. They were vilified and driven out by Roman Catholic missionaries as Spain sought to impose its religion on the archipelago.

Catholicism has since seeped deep into Filipino life, taking on the fervor of a folk religion for many adherents. During Lent, devotees volunteer to get nailed to a cross as both penance and re-enactment of Jesus Christ’s crucifixion. Before Christmas Eve, many attend a nine-day series of Masses in the belief that their wishes will come true. A fiesta in January sees millions don maroon and yellow in praise of the Black Nazarene , walking barefoot and carrying cloths to wipe on the statue in the belief that the fabric will absorb curative powers.

While great store is set on rituals and festivals such as these, Catholic doctrine is not unquestioningly accepted. A law increasing access to contraceptives was still passed, for example, despite stern opposition from Catholic leaders. “I don’t think there is anyone, not even the most conservative or fundamentalist individual can be 100% consistent with everything that his or her own church proclaims,” Cornelio explains.

So while the Catechism states that “homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered,” LGBT persons in the Philippines have no difficulty identifying as Roman Catholic.

Read more: What Asia’s LGBTQ+ Movement Can Learn From Japan

The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) stresses that it does not discriminate against those like Gabriel who want to serve. But the LGBT community is also expected “not to change God” and Church doctrines, says Father Jerome Secillano, executive secretary of CBCP’s public affairs committee: “Rather, they should change for God, the Church and its doctrines. And this is true for everyone…God is here to guide the destinies of men. It is not the other way around.”

Catholics against anti-discrimination laws

Around the world, conservative Catholics and other fundamentalist groups have been lobbying against LGBT rights. In the Philippines, a law against discrimination has been languishing in Congress for 20 years. It has support from devout Catholic senators who see equal rights as an extension of the faith, but has run up against determined opposition.

Rey Valmores-Salinas, chairperson of LGBT rights group Bahaghari, blames the Catholic Church and other religious groups for blocking the anti-discrimination law even though “LGBT rights are human rights.”

Some cities have enacted their own anti-discrimination ordinances in the meantime. Absence of these laws can prove to be deadly. Little to no data is available on hate crimes in the Philippines, but data collated by Transgender Europe’s Trans Murder Monitoring project show that at least 77 murders of trans and gender-diverse people took place between 2008 and September 2021. (The report warns that many hate crimes remain undocumented and that the actual number may be much higher.) One of the most notorious cases involved a U.S. Marine who killed a transwoman in 2014. He was later pardoned by President Rodrigo Duterte.

How dialogue can strengthen the Catholic faith

While Gabriel says he abstains from sex with men, and occasionally struggles to reconcile his sexual identity with his religious belief, others from his community are more assertive of their genders and sexual orientation.

Growing up transgender and born into the Catholic Church, Valmores-Salinas said she would not allow herself to be treated as an “abomination.” She argues that if Jesus Christ were on Earth today, the Messiah would stand with the LGBT community. “I think standing up for equality is what it means to be holy,” says Valmores-Salinas, who says she is now agnostic.

Sociologist Cornelio believes younger generations of Catholic laity are showing more impatience with conservative beliefs. The test of that will come soon. As its social influence wanes, the Church is conducting the so-called Synod on Synodality —a two-year listening process billed as the “largest consultation in human history,” with the faithful invited to share their views on the Church’s future direction.

Read more : Philippines Elects First Transgender Congresswoman

Many followers of the Catholic faith, including the LGBT community, hope the process will bring about meaningful change. There are signs: last month, senior Vatican official Sister Nathalie Becquart talked to LGBT Catholics worldwide in an unprecedented dialogue “to foster communion and build a consensus” in order to “discern how the Holy Spirit is calling the Church to move forward.”

If the battle can be won in a socially conservative Catholic country like the Philippines, it can be won anywhere. Gabriel recounts how he once confronted a female parishioner who took offense at his feminine attire while he was singing with the choir during Mass. When he asked her why his appearance bothered her, she was at a loss for words, he says.

“I just told her, ‘I understand. You may not be comfortable seeing someone like me in the church,’” Gabriel tells TIME. “‘But the people that you said were looking at me, approached me after the service and they even congratulated me because our choir performed really well. They do not see me as how I dress, but how I serve.”

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Being gay in PH: Living life to the fullest

MANILA, Philippines—For many Filipinos, especially members of the LGBTQIA+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, Queer, Intersex, Asexual) community and its allies, June is known as Pride Month—a colorful month where people celebrate the long history and milestones of LGBTQIA+ visibility in the country.

Perhaps one of the key events during Pride Month in the Philippines is the Pride March which, in previous years prior to the pandemic, has gathered tens of thousands of LGBTQIA+ members and allies.

For many, Pride Month and Pride March are also not just a celebration of the LGBTQIA+ community. It is also a form of protest, a means of speaking out on the concerns of the community—especially in fighting for the rights of every member of the community, most of whom still experience discrimination and oppression because of their gender or sexual orientation.

“As a public demonstration and expression of joy, the event is both a celebration and a mass protest,” said Metro Manila Pride, a volunteer-managed, non-partisan, not-for-profit organization in the Philippines.

“Each year, we honor the Filipino LGBTQIA+ community by creating a space that uplifts and emboldens us to gather together to challenge Philippine institutions by calling for radical change,” the organization added.

“Each year we bring together individuals, organizations, and communities to call not only for equality, but for justice for the LGBTQIA+ community in the Philippines,” it continued.

The group, which organizes or oversees the annual Pride March and Festival, said that the yearly event aims to “strengthen a sense of belonging and solidarity” among LGBTQIA+ individuals in the country.

A member of the LGBTQ+ community in Stuttgart, Deutschland waves a rainbow flag. Photo courtesy of Raphael Renter via Unsplash.

Ahead of the Pride Month, in this article,  INQUIRER.net  talked with some members of the LGBTQIA+ community and asked them to share their thoughts on what is it like to be a member of the community in the Philippines nowadays.

They also shared more stories about the history of the community where they belong, the significance of Pride Month in their lives, the struggles still experienced by many of them, and how they try to live through it.

More opportunities for LGBTQIA+ individuals

When asked,  “What is it like to be a part of the LGBTQIA+ community in the Philippines nowadays?,”  Lhouric Medina—who identifies himself as a gay person—said more opportunities have opened up for members of the communities now compared to how it was years ago.

Before, according to Medina, members of the LGBTQIA+ including “crossdressers”—persons who like to wear clothing and accessories associated with the opposite sex—were given limited opportunities when applying for a job.

This was despite the fact that most, if not all, members of the LGBTQIA+ community excel and progress in their jobs or careers.

“The members of the LGBTQIA+ are usually called the ‘color of the corporate’ or ‘color of the company.’ From the highest profession of medicine down to the colorful world of cosmetology, members of the LGBTQIA+ community excel,” Medina told  INQUIRER.net  in an interview.

Photo courtesy of Unsplash

Years, or perhaps decades ago, there was also a popular notion among some people which associates members of the LGBTQIA+ community with a stereotypical career or job position as  parloristas  or hairdressers.

“That Philippine gay culture exists is an insight not very difficult to arrive at. In our country, gays may be found virtually everywhere, and what’s strange is they have a distinct quality about them which is sometimes unnerving, sometimes welcome if only that it’s funny,” said J. Neil Garcia, professor and author of many literary works including the book “Ladlad: An Anthology of Philippine Gay Writing,” in the introduction page of his other work titled “Philippine Gay Culture: Binabae to Bakla, Silahis to MSM.

“They also have their ‘haunts,’ or places in which they gather—in loud and flaming clusters inside malls, on campuses, and in the beauty parlors which are their privileged locales because they invariably work there,” Garcia said.

However, as the country becomes more open and accepting to members of the community, more opportunities have opened up for LGBTQIA+ individuals which have set their image free from the usual  parlorista  trope—not that there is something wrong with working in a parlor or beauty salon.

“Before, there are many opportunities that are not given to members of the LGBTQIA+ community because people think that a gay’s place is only at beauty parlors, and that gays are just dressmakers,” Medina said.

A rainbow flag that says “Queer & Proud” by a member of the LGBTQ+ community during the Pride parade in Geneva, Switzerland held in July 2019. Photo courtesy of Delia Giandeini via Unsplash.

“More opportunities have opened for people like us. When more opportunities were made available for the LGBTQIA+, we excelled,” he added.

Louder and proud

Aside from having more opportunities or career choices, one thing that Medina used to describe what is it like to be a part of the LGBTQIA+ community in the country nowadays is that they are more loud and proud of who they are.

“Compared before, gays or members of the LGBTQIA+ are louder nowadays, in terms of showing that they can do more, that they are not limited,” he said.

Medina also said he believes that discrimination among LGBTQIA+ individuals is now “very limited.”

“That is not felt strongly nowadays. There are some cases, maybe in a hundred percent, there is like 20 percent discrimination that we still feel. But when we go out of the house, we can see that people are embracing gays, LGBTQIA+ people,” Medina said.

“Before, when you go to the mall, people are staring at [us] the way [as if] they are judging [us],” he added.

They felt more open, safer—but…

Arshi, a trans-woman, said that compared to before, members of the LGBTQIA+ are now more open and out.

“Compared to way back then, the LGBTQIA+ people are now more open and out and there are a lot of safe spaces for the community and some adjust for us,” she told  INQUIRER.net  in a message.

Don Moya said that for him, being a gay person felt safer now compared to before. He said he believes that social media influences more people outside the LGBTQIA+ community to be more open and understanding.

“It is now much safer compared before during early high school days and below. I guess thanks to social media, people are taught to be more open about the community,” he said in a message to  INQUIRER.net .

However, Arshi and Moya said the changes in how the public perceives members of their community—specifically in the Philippines—were still not completely positive.

“Here in the Philippines, it’s not easy to accept the LGBTQIA+ community as a whole because there are still close-minded people since we are known for being a religious country,” said Arshi.

“Of course, homophobia is still rampant in the country, seeing how a lot of people still use LGBT slurs as an insult and seeing a lot of old people who are still very close-minded about the topic,” Moya said.

“Sure, I believe it is indeed safer compared to before, but it’s still not safe enough for everyone. I mean, there are still families who hurt or commit violence against their gay children, right?” Moya added.

The Fuller Project—a global nonprofit newsroom dedicated to groundbreaking reports on women—said in an article published in January 2021 that around 50 transgender or gender nonbinary individuals across the Philippines have been murdered since 2010.

“[B]ut the real death toll is likely much higher,” the article stated.

A few months later, in September of that same year, Amnesty International published a report on its website on the rampant hate crimes experienced by LGBTQI+individuals in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).

“LGBTQI+ people in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) face pervasive discrimination, live in the constant fear of harassment, arbitrary arrest, and detention, and remain vulnerable to violence and persecution based on their sexual orientation, gender identity, and expression and sex characteristics (SOGIESC),” the report read.

In the report, Rocky Rinabor, Amnesty International Philippines Board Member and Deputy Executive Director of the Pioneer Filipino Transgender Men Movement (PFTM), said authorities in the region often turn a blind eye on the attacks against the LGBTQI+ community—a regular occurrence in the area.

“Various attacks of hate crimes and gender-based violence directed towards Muslim LGBTQI+ people in the Bangsamoro region are not new nor isolated. It is an endless cycle where queer folks, like me, are trapped, always looking over our shoulders or sleeping with one eye open,” said Rinabor.

“We are used to being caught in the middle of unlawful raids, as if they were witch hunts, in places where the LGBTQI+ are often seen – in karaoke bars, or salons and other establishments managed by trans women, often to instill fear by setting these places on fire or drive-by shootings,” Rinabor added.

“It is also common to hear stories of Muslim lesbians subjected to ‘curative rape’ in order to ‘correct’ or ‘save’ them from homosexual relationships considered to be sinful or taboo in the Muslim culture.”

According to Rinabor, these attacks continued to traumatize members of the LGBTQI+ community in the BARMM due to a lack of accountability by authorities.

“What makes it more difficult is the fact that majority of hate crimes, if not all, are not properly investigated by local authorities. It is often dealt with impunity, based on the belief that crimes directed towards queer people are justified because it is the life we choose, thus, we must accept it and just live with the consequences it brings.”

READ: Hate crimes against LGBTQI+ in BARMM must not go unpunished

Being gay, trans in the gaming world.

As casual and competitive players of online games, Arshi and Moya are part of the e-sports industry—which has been known to be a heavily male-dominated industry.

However, being a gamer and at the same time, a member of the LGBTQIA+ community has proven to be difficult for them before due to discrimination—especially when the industry was still less accommodating toward the LGBTQIA+ community.

“At the time, I was actually still closeted and kept it as a secret for almost everyone, and because of that, I didn’t get to experience it much personally but definitely the homophobia before in the gaming community was the same as it was everywhere where LGBTQ+ people were viewed as disgusting and low,” said Moya.

Arshi said that she used to get homophobic slurs and messages from “typical misogynist type” players who told him things such as “ salot [ka] sa lipunan, wag ka na mag laro , and stereotyping us [by commenting] ‘150’ [or] ‘ hala sabi ko na barbie ’ and many more.”

According to Arshi, an example would be Johnmar “OhMyV33nus” Villaluna, a Filipino e-sports player who currently plays for Blacklist International’s team for Mobile Legends: Bang Bang.

Despite leading his team to victory in many tournaments, the veteran mid laner—addressed as “Queen” by fans—remained a target of homophobic comments online.

“Maybe my best example is OhMyV33nus. Because of his popularity here in the Philippines due to his skill as a gamer, he is prone to be a target of discrimination in the gaming community,” said Arshi.

As more LGBTQIA+ players get recognized in the industry—and for their contribution and effort in breaking gender stereotypes in the e-sports industry—the LGBTQIA+ community in the industry started to gain better representation.

READ: 5 LGBTQ Pro Esports Players Breaking Through the Rainbow Glass Ceiling

As Arshi explained, the industry is “on [its] way” to becoming more open toward LGBTQI+ gamers like her and Moya.

“I can say that it’s still on the way, it’s not yet fully opened. There are some tournaments that are exclusive for gays. What about the transgenders, mostly transwomen?,” Arshi said.

“We identify ourselves as women but when there was one time when a trans joined an all-girls tournament, many people discriminated against that person. What more in big events, right?”

Moya shared the same sentiments, adding that there are still “bits of homophobia here and there.”

Discrimination and hate words are also still being thrown at gamers like them from time to time.

“In my own experience, I don’t have anyone who blatantly discriminates me in the gaming communities that I’m in as they are pretty open-minded about the community, although it’s a different story in-game,” said Moya.

“I’m pretty sure almost everyone who’s part of the LGBTQ+ community and plays games, including me, experiences discrimination a lot in-game where people say homophobic slurs to ‘trash talk’ most of the time,” he added.

Responding to discrimination

When it comes to reacting or responding to discrimination—including hateful words and homophobic slurs and comments—Moya said he just usually ignores it.

The same goes with Arshi, who said she chooses to be more understanding and be the better person.

“Not that I am being a coward, but for me, it is better to be the one who is more understanding because it’s burdensome to explain to close-minded people,” said Arshi.

Medina echoed the same thoughts as Arshi and Moya.

“I don’t mind the comments, but I try to see what kind of person said those things to me. There are more educated people who understand us than those who judge us. I try to see what type of person they are and decide how I will react,” said Medina.

“Personally, homophobic slurs and hateful words no longer have an impact because I no longer get affected by those. Maybe I’ll analyze the way the jokes, and comments were thrown at me. There are some comments for the likes of us that are okay, but there are some that are actually hurtful,” Medina added.

A choice or not a choice

When you look up the book “Ladlad: An Anthology of Philippine Gay Writing”—which was edited by Garcia and Filipino writer Danton Remoto—online e-book stores usually use these statements as a descriptor of what the book is all about:

“Being gay is not a choice. It is really detrimental for someone living in a third-world country.”

“How do gays cope up with society’s constraints? How do they live their lives to the fullest?”

When asked whether they agree with the first statement, Moya, Arshi, and Medina shared contrasting responses and thoughts.

Arshi gave a short but straightforward reply, saying that she agrees with the statement.

Moya, on the other hand, replied: “Being gay is DEFINITELY not a choice. I mean if I had a ‘choice’ to become straight I definitely would [choose] that instead of being discriminated by the world [right?]”

“Also, living as a gay person in a third world country is certainly difficult and affects many things especially the mental health of the LGBTQ+ community as not everyone has the privilege of acquiring proper education to understand the stuff about genders and sexual orientations which results [in] the people having a disgusted outlook towards the community.”

Medina—unlike Arshi and Moya—said he disagrees and that “being gay is a choice yet a matter of chance—a chance for an individual to express his [or] her [true] self.”

He also explained that the hardships of being in a third-world country should not be a reason for an individual to choose whether to be part of the LGBTQIA+ community.

But, all three of them agreed on the same thing—LGBTQIA+ individuals, no matter what kind of struggles and hardships they face, will choose to live their life to the fullest.

For Arshi, living her life to the fullest as a trans-woman means getting the support she needs from sisterhood and safe spaces in the LGBTQIA+ community.

“It is such a big help to have a sisterhood and safe spaces within the community since we know we share the same pain we experience and we help each other,” Arshi said.

Moya said every individual in the community has different ways on how to cope with society’s constraints.

“Different gay people have different coping mechanisms. But one thing that I do and many other gay people do I think, is to use humor as a coping mechanism in order to make light of the slurs and discrimination that we hear in our lives,” he said.

“We are able to live our lives to the fullest by fully accepting and loving ourselves, along with surrounding ourselves with people who do the same with us so that we are able to function our best every day,” he added.

Similar to Moya, Medina said that gays are “happy people.”

“We are a large group of extraordinary people living in a society wherein we can freely share and show our talents, abilities, and achievements despite the obstacles we face as members of the LGBTQIA+ community,” Medina said.

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“We live our [lives] to the fullest with respect to each and everyone,” Medina added.

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