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What Is Your Gender Identity?

Tell us how you’ve come to understand your gender identity, and what it means to you.

By Katherine Schulten

Students in U.S. high schools can get free digital access to The New York Times until Sept. 1, 2021.

Note to teachers and students: To prepare to answer these questions, you might visit our recent lesson plan on transgender athletes that began with the definitions of some relevant terms as well as a “temperature check” exercise with questions about talking about gender in general.

Have you ever considered your gender identity? How comfortable do you feel talking about it? What does that identity mean to you? How do you express it?

Do you, like a growing number of teenagers, identify with a nontraditional gender label, or do you know someone who does? A 2019 article about nonbinary teenage fashion explained:

The word “nonbinary” became something people asked the internet about around 2014, making a steady upward climb to present day. Gender identity has become an international conversation, especially among teenagers. In 2017, a University of California, Los Angeles study found that 27 percent (796,000) of California youth between the ages of 12-17 believed they were seen by others as gender nonconforming. More teenagers overall are identifying with nontraditional gender labels, according to a March 2018 study published in the journal Pediatrics . Some progressive synagogues and Jewish communities are holding nonbinary mitzvahs . Nonbinary teenagers are choosing non-gendered for driver’s licenses . “When we’re looking at trends that we might see in the community of youth who are identifying as nonbinary, what we really are seeing is a community of people who are just accepting the diversity of gender expression,” said Jeremy Wernick, a clinical assistant professor in the department of child and adolescent psychiatry at N.Y.U. Langone. Mr. Wernick’s work focuses on gender-expansive children and adolescents. “Yes, nonbinary kiddos are sort of leading the way in pushing the boundaries of those binary stereotypes,” Mr. Wernick said. “But what they’re really doing is modeling for other young people and adults the reality that gender expression can inevitably have an impact on the rest of the world if things are accepted and celebrated.”

This week, the Times Opinion section published an essay about gender exploration during the pandemic, in which a transgender-nonbinary writer, Alex Marzano-Lesnevich writer, asks, “ How Do I Define My Gender if No One Is Watching Me? ”:

When the world went into lockdown five months after I started taking testosterone, I thought it would be easier not to see people for a while. Maybe they wouldn’t hear my voice go scratchy or see up close the hormonal acne splattered across my face. Alone in my apartment, I imagined that all my difficulties in being seen and recognized as transgender-nonbinary would evaporate. No one would gender me except myself; my pronouns would be right there in the text box on my Zoom screen. So I was surprised by how much my gender instead seemed to almost evaporate. No longer on the alert for how to signal a restaurant’s waitstaff that neither “he” nor “she” applied to me, or for whether colleagues and neighbors would use the right language — devoid of anyone to signal my gender to — I felt, suddenly, amorphous and undefined. It was as though when I had swapped my Oxford shoes and neckties for fuzzy slippers and soft sweatpants, I, too, had lost my sharply tailored definition. After I podded with two trans friends, the only people I saw from closer than six feet were also nonbinary, neither men nor women. Among us, not only the once ubiquitous binary, but also any gender expectations, had vanished. Where did my own gender reside, then, if not in sending signals of difference? My friends and I had long joked, “Gender is a social construct!” every time one of us needed shoring up after a messy encounter with the expectations of the gender-conforming heterosexual world. But without that world, we now added a rueful punchline: “Too bad there’s no more ‘social’!”

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Understanding Gender, Sex, and Gender Identity

It's more important than ever to use this terminology correctly..

Posted February 27, 2021 | Reviewed by Kaja Perina

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Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene hung a sign outside her Capitol office door that said “There are TWO genders: MALE & FEMALE. ‘Trust the Science!’” There are many reasons to question hanging such a sign, but given that Rep. Taylor Greene invoked science in making her assertion, I thought it might be helpful to clarify by citing some actual science. Put simply, from a scientific standpoint, Rep. Taylor Greene’s statement is patently wrong. It perpetuates a common error by conflating gender with sex . Allow me to explain how psychologists scientifically operationalize these terms.

According to the American Psychological Association (APA, 2012), sex is rooted in biology. A person’s sex is determined using observable biological criteria such as sex chromosomes, gonads, internal reproductive organs, and external genitalia (APA, 2012). Most people are classified as being either biologically male or female, although the term intersex is reserved for those with atypical combinations of biological features (APA, 2012).

Gender is related to but distinctly different from sex; it is rooted in culture, not biology. The APA (2012) defines gender as “the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given culture associates with a person’s biological sex” (p. 11). Gender conformity occurs when people abide by culturally-derived gender roles (APA, 2012). Resisting gender roles (i.e., gender nonconformity ) can have significant social consequences—pro and con, depending on circumstances.

Gender identity refers to how one understands and experiences one’s own gender. It involves a person’s psychological sense of being male, female, or neither (APA, 2012). Those who identify as transgender feel that their gender identity doesn’t match their biological sex or the gender they were assigned at birth; in some cases they don’t feel they fit into into either the male or female gender categories (APA, 2012; Moleiro & Pinto, 2015). How people live out their gender identities in everyday life (in terms of how they dress, behave, and express themselves) constitutes their gender expression (APA, 2012; Drescher, 2014).

“Male” and “female” are the most common gender identities in Western culture; they form a dualistic way of thinking about gender that often informs the identity options that people feel are available to them (Prentice & Carranza, 2002). Anyone, regardless of biological sex, can closely adhere to culturally-constructed notions of “maleness” or “femaleness” by dressing, talking, and taking interest in activities stereotypically associated with traditional male or female gender identities. However, many people think “outside the box” when it comes to gender, constructing identities for themselves that move beyond the male-female binary. For examples, explore lists of famous “gender benders” from Oxygen , Vogue , More , and The Cut (not to mention Mr. and Mrs. Potato Head , whose evolving gender identities made headlines this week).

Whether society approves of these identities or not, the science on whether there are more than two genders is clear; there are as many possible gender identities as there are people psychologically forming identities. Rep. Taylor Greene’s insistence that there are just two genders merely reflects Western culture’s longstanding tradition of only recognizing “male” and “female” gender identities as “normal.” However, if we are to “trust the science” (as Rep. Taylor Greene’s recommends), then the first thing we need to do is stop mixing up biological sex and gender identity. The former may be constrained by biology, but the latter is only constrained by our imaginations.

American Psychological Association. (2012). Guidelines for psychological practice with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. American Psychologist , 67 (1), 10-42. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0024659

Drescher, J. (2014). Treatment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender patients. In R. E. Hales, S. C. Yudofsky, & L. W. Roberts (Eds.), The American Psychiatric Publishing textbook of psychiatry (6th ed., pp. 1293-1318). American Psychiatric Publishing.

Moleiro, C., & Pinto, N. (2015). Sexual orientation and gender identity: Review of concepts, controversies and their relation to psychopathology classification systems. Frontiers in Psychology , 6 .

Prentice, D. A., & Carranza, E. (2002). What women should be, shouldn't be, are allowed to be, and don't have to be: The contents of prescriptive gender stereotypes. Psychology of Women Quarterly , 26 (4), 269-281. https://doi.org/10.1111/1471-6402.t01-1-00066

Jonathan D. Raskin, Ph.D. , is a professor of psychology and counselor education at the State University of New York at New Paltz.

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Understanding Gender Identity

Gender vs. sex, confirming and affirming our gender identity, gender expression, gender pronouns, gender identity and sexuality are entwined, but not the same, you're not alone.

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Gender can either be something you never think about or something that consumes you and seeps into everything you do. How is gender identity so prominent in some of our lives while others take it for granted? How can one word be so polarizing and personal? To get some of these answers, we need to start at the beginning—your beginning. 

When most people are born, they’re given a label of either male or female based on their genitals. That label is then used to define both their sex and gender. 

Medical professionals typically assign sex based on the appearance of a person’s genitals because they are most visible. The full picture of your sex, though, can’t be seen without more exploration. Sex is a combination of your anatomy, reproductive organs, and chromosomes. It’s not uncommon for sex to be more than simply male or female.

Intersex people are those whose internal organs, chromosomes, or genitals do not fit neatly into male or female boxes. Some people know they are intersex growing up, and others find out later in life.

Gender identity is different from sex or gender assigned at birth. Gender identity is how we see ourselves in terms of being male, female, neither, both, or something in between. Despite being given an assigned gender, we may realize the label just doesn’t fit. 

As we grow up and get to know ourselves, each of us tends to develop a personal sense of our gender identity. Research shows that most of us have a strong sense of our gender by the time we are three or four years old. When your gender identity matches your gender assigned at birth, you may refer to yourself as cisgender. When your identity does not match your gender assigned at birth, you may identify as transgender.

Most people—whether they identify as transgender or cisgender—fall into a binary gender category (male or female), while others are somewhere in between (nonbinary) or don’t feel connected to either gender (agender). 

Whether or not you are ready to talk to someone about your relationship with your gender identity, know that you deserve to be seen as your authentic gender. Coming out as a gender different than the one you were assigned at birth can be scary, but you are among many amazing people who also identify as transgender or nonbinary. You can—and will—find the resources and people you need to live a full and happy life. 

Gender identity is our internal concept of our gender, but gender expression is how we present our gender identity through our appearance—including what we wear, how we style our hair, and if and how we wear makeup. It can also be in the names and pronouns we choose for ourselves. How we express our gender may or may not conform to what our families, friends, or society associates with our sex or gender identity, but we all have the right to express our gender in ways that feel authentic and give us joy.

Pronouns are the words we use for ourselves—and would like others to use—when referring to us. Some examples of pronouns include:

• She/her/hers
• They/them/theirs
• Xe/xem/xeirs

Sometimes it feels right to use more than one pronoun (“she/they,” for example) which means either pronoun set feels OK. You may also choose to use multiple pronouns for a period of time to see what feels best. There can be a lot of exploration involved in figuring out what gender means to you, and sometimes it takes hearing other people refer to you with certain pronouns to know what hits right. 

Your gender identity isn’t the same as your sexual orientation. Gender identity is about who you are, and sexual orientation is about attraction and who you might want to form relationships with. 

Both gender identity and sexual orientation are spectrums and can change over time. It’s important to understand that your gender identity doesn’t dictate your sexual orientation. People of any gender can have any sexual orientation.

It can feel intimidating to explore something as complicated as your gender, but it can also be exciting and affirming to find the identity that feels right to you, even if it takes a little time. There is no “right” age to explore and understand your gender identity. Some people understand their identities early in life, and others come to their identities later.

If you or someone you know is struggling with challenges related to gender identity—or struggling to get others in their life to accept their identity—it’s important to reach out for support. Try contacting The Trevor Project , a leading national organization providing crisis-intervention services for LGBTQIA+ youth, by texting START to 678-678 or calling 1-866-488-7386.

If you or someone you love needs help right now:

• Text or call 988 or use the chat function at 988lifeline.org .
• Text HOME to 741-741 for a free, confidential conversation with a trained counselor any time of day.
• If this is a medical emergency or there is immediate danger of harm, call 911 and explain that you need support for a mental health crisis.

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If you or someone you know needs to talk to someone right now, text, call, or chat  988 for a free confidential conversation with a trained counselor 24/7. 

You can also contact the Crisis Text Line by texting HOME to 741-741.

If this is a medical emergency or if there is immediate danger of harm, call 911 and explain that you need support for a mental health crisis.

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Pride Month

A guide to gender identity terms.

Laurel Wamsley

"Pronouns are basically how we identify ourselves apart from our name. It's how someone refers to you in conversation," says Mary Emily O'Hara, a communications officer at GLAAD. "And when you're speaking to people, it's a really simple way to affirm their identity." Kaz Fantone for NPR hide caption

"Pronouns are basically how we identify ourselves apart from our name. It's how someone refers to you in conversation," says Mary Emily O'Hara, a communications officer at GLAAD. "And when you're speaking to people, it's a really simple way to affirm their identity."

Issues of equality and acceptance of transgender and nonbinary people — along with challenges to their rights — have become a major topic in the headlines. These issues can involve words and ideas and identities that are new to some.

That's why we've put together a glossary of terms relating to gender identity. Our goal is to help people communicate accurately and respectfully with one another.

Proper use of gender identity terms, including pronouns, is a crucial way to signal courtesy and acceptance. Alex Schmider , associate director of transgender representation at GLAAD, compares using someone's correct pronouns to pronouncing their name correctly – "a way of respecting them and referring to them in a way that's consistent and true to who they are."

Glossary of gender identity terms

This guide was created with help from GLAAD . We also referenced resources from the National Center for Transgender Equality , the Trans Journalists Association , NLGJA: The Association of LGBTQ Journalists , Human Rights Campaign , InterAct and the American Psychological Association . This guide is not exhaustive, and is Western and U.S.-centric. Other cultures may use different labels and have other conceptions of gender.

One thing to note: Language changes. Some of the terms now in common usage are different from those used in the past to describe similar ideas, identities and experiences. Some people may continue to use terms that are less commonly used now to describe themselves, and some people may use different terms entirely. What's important is recognizing and respecting people as individuals.

Jump to a term: Sex, gender , gender identity , gender expression , cisgender , transgender , nonbinary , agender , gender-expansive , gender transition , gender dysphoria , sexual orientation , intersex

Jump to Pronouns : questions and answers

Sex refers to a person's biological status and is typically assigned at birth, usually on the basis of external anatomy. Sex is typically categorized as male, female or intersex.

Gender is often defined as a social construct of norms, behaviors and roles that varies between societies and over time. Gender is often categorized as male, female or nonbinary.

Gender identity is one's own internal sense of self and their gender, whether that is man, woman, neither or both. Unlike gender expression, gender identity is not outwardly visible to others.

For most people, gender identity aligns with the sex assigned at birth, the American Psychological Association notes. For transgender people, gender identity differs in varying degrees from the sex assigned at birth.

Gender expression is how a person presents gender outwardly, through behavior, clothing, voice or other perceived characteristics. Society identifies these cues as masculine or feminine, although what is considered masculine or feminine changes over time and varies by culture.

Cisgender, or simply cis , is an adjective that describes a person whose gender identity aligns with the sex they were assigned at birth.

Transgender, or simply trans, is an adjective used to describe someone whose gender identity differs from the sex assigned at birth. A transgender man, for example, is someone who was listed as female at birth but whose gender identity is male.

Cisgender and transgender have their origins in Latin-derived prefixes of "cis" and "trans" — cis, meaning "on this side of" and trans, meaning "across from" or "on the other side of." Both adjectives are used to describe experiences of someone's gender identity.

Nonbinary is a term that can be used by people who do not describe themselves or their genders as fitting into the categories of man or woman. A range of terms are used to refer to these experiences; nonbinary and genderqueer are among the terms that are sometimes used.

Agender is an adjective that can describe a person who does not identify as any gender.

Gender-expansive is an adjective that can describe someone with a more flexible gender identity than might be associated with a typical gender binary.

Gender transition is a process a person may take to bring themselves and/or their bodies into alignment with their gender identity. It's not just one step. Transitioning can include any, none or all of the following: telling one's friends, family and co-workers; changing one's name and pronouns; updating legal documents; medical interventions such as hormone therapy; or surgical intervention, often called gender confirmation surgery.

Gender dysphoria refers to psychological distress that results from an incongruence between one's sex assigned at birth and one's gender identity. Not all trans people experience dysphoria, and those who do may experience it at varying levels of intensity.

Gender dysphoria is a diagnosis listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Some argue that such a diagnosis inappropriately pathologizes gender incongruence, while others contend that a diagnosis makes it easier for transgender people to access necessary medical treatment.

Sexual orientation refers to the enduring physical, romantic and/or emotional attraction to members of the same and/or other genders, including lesbian, gay, bisexual and straight orientations.

People don't need to have had specific sexual experiences to know their own sexual orientation. They need not have had any sexual experience at all. They need not be in a relationship, dating or partnered with anyone for their sexual orientation to be validated. For example, if a bisexual woman is partnered with a man, that does not mean she is not still bisexual.

Sexual orientation is separate from gender identity. As GLAAD notes , "Transgender people may be straight, lesbian, gay, bisexual or queer. For example, a person who transitions from male to female and is attracted solely to men would typically identify as a straight woman. A person who transitions from female to male and is attracted solely to men would typically identify as a gay man."

Intersex is an umbrella term used to describe people with differences in reproductive anatomy, chromosomes or hormones that don't fit typical definitions of male and female.

Intersex can refer to a number of natural variations, some of them laid out by InterAct . Being intersex is not the same as being nonbinary or transgender, which are terms typically related to gender identity.

The Picture Show

Nonbinary photographer documents gender dysphoria through a queer lens, pronouns: questions and answers.

What is the role of pronouns in acknowledging someone's gender identity?

Everyone has pronouns that are used when referring to them – and getting those pronouns right is not exclusively a transgender issue.

"Pronouns are basically how we identify ourselves apart from our name. It's how someone refers to you in conversation," says Mary Emily O'Hara , a communications officer at GLAAD. "And when you're speaking to people, it's a really simple way to affirm their identity."

"So, for example, using the correct pronouns for trans and nonbinary youth is a way to let them know that you see them, you affirm them, you accept them and to let them know that they're loved during a time when they're really being targeted by so many discriminatory anti-trans state laws and policies," O'Hara says.

"It's really just about letting someone know that you accept their identity. And it's as simple as that."

Getting the words right is about respect and accuracy, says Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen, deputy executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality. Kaz Fantone for NPR hide caption

Getting the words right is about respect and accuracy, says Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen, deputy executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality.

What's the right way to find out a person's pronouns?

Start by giving your own – for example, "My pronouns are she/her."

"If I was introducing myself to someone, I would say, 'I'm Rodrigo. I use him pronouns. What about you?' " says Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen , deputy executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality.

O'Hara says, "It may feel awkward at first, but eventually it just becomes another one of those get-to-know-you questions."

Should people be asking everyone their pronouns? Or does it depend on the setting?

Knowing each other's pronouns helps you be sure you have accurate information about another person.

How a person appears in terms of gender expression "doesn't indicate anything about what their gender identity is," GLAAD's Schmider says. By sharing pronouns, "you're going to get to know someone a little better."

And while it can be awkward at first, it can quickly become routine.

Heng-Lehtinen notes that the practice of stating one's pronouns at the bottom of an email or during introductions at a meeting can also relieve some headaches for people whose first names are less common or gender ambiguous.

"Sometimes Americans look at a name and are like, 'I have no idea if I'm supposed to say he or she for this name' — not because the person's trans, but just because the name is of a culture that you don't recognize and you genuinely do not know. So having the pronouns listed saves everyone the headache," Heng-Lehtinen says. "It can be really, really quick once you make a habit of it. And I think it saves a lot of embarrassment for everybody."

Might some people be uncomfortable sharing their pronouns in a public setting?

Schmider says for cisgender people, sharing their pronouns is generally pretty easy – so long as they recognize that they have pronouns and know what they are. For others, it could be more difficult to share their pronouns in places where they don't know people.

But there are still benefits in sharing pronouns, he says. "It's an indication that they understand that gender expression does not equal gender identity, that you're not judging people just based on the way they look and making assumptions about their gender beyond what you actually know about them."

How is "they" used as a singular pronoun?

"They" is already commonly used as a singular pronoun when we are talking about someone, and we don't know who they are, O'Hara notes. Using they/them pronouns for someone you do know simply represents "just a little bit of a switch."

"You're just asking someone to not act as if they don't know you, but to remove gendered language from their vocabulary when they're talking about you," O'Hara says.

"I identify as nonbinary myself and I appear feminine. People often assume that my pronouns are she/her. So they will use those. And I'll just gently correct them and say, hey, you know what, my pronouns are they/them just FYI, for future reference or something like that," they say.

O'Hara says their family and friends still struggle with getting the pronouns right — and sometimes O'Hara struggles to remember others' pronouns, too.

"In my community, in the queer community, with a lot of trans and nonbinary people, we all frequently remind each other or remind ourselves. It's a sort of constant mindfulness where you are always catching up a little bit," they say.

"You might know someone for 10 years, and then they let you know their pronouns have changed. It's going to take you a little while to adjust, and that's fine. It's OK to make those mistakes and correct yourself, and it's OK to gently correct someone else."

What if I make a mistake and misgender someone, or use the wrong words?

Simply apologize and move on.

"I think it's perfectly natural to not know the right words to use at first. We're only human. It takes any of us some time to get to know a new concept," Heng-Lehtinen says. "The important thing is to just be interested in continuing to learn. So if you mess up some language, you just say, 'Oh, I'm so sorry,' correct yourself and move forward. No need to make it any more complicated than that. Doing that really simple gesture of apologizing quickly and moving on shows the other person that you care. And that makes a really big difference."

Why are pronouns typically given in the format "she/her" or "they/them" rather than just "she" or "they"?

The different iterations reflect that pronouns change based on how they're used in a sentence. And the "he/him" format is actually shorter than the previously common "he/him/his" format.

"People used to say all three and then it got down to two," Heng-Lehtinen laughs. He says staff at his organization was recently wondering if the custom will eventually shorten to just one pronoun. "There's no real rule about it. It's absolutely just been habit," he says.

Amid Wave Of Anti-Trans Bills, Trans Reporters Say 'Telling Our Own Stories' Is Vital

But he notes a benefit of using he/him and she/her: He and she rhyme. "If somebody just says he or she, I could very easily mishear that and then still get it wrong."

What does it mean if a person uses the pronouns "he/they" or "she/they"?

"That means that the person uses both pronouns, and you can alternate between those when referring to them. So either pronoun would be fine — and ideally mix it up, use both. It just means that they use both pronouns that they're listing," Heng-Lehtinen says.

Schmider says it depends on the person: "For some people, they don't mind those pronouns being interchanged for them. And for some people, they are using one specific pronoun in one context and another set of pronouns in another, dependent on maybe safety or comfortability."

The best approach, Schmider says, is to listen to how people refer to themselves.

Why might someone's name be different than what's listed on their ID?

Heng-Lehtinen notes that there's a perception when a person comes out as transgender, they change their name and that's that. But the reality is a lot more complicated and expensive when it comes to updating your name on government documents.

"It is not the same process as changing your last name when you get married. There is bizarrely a separate set of rules for when you are changing your name in marriage versus changing your name for any other reason. And it's more difficult in the latter," he says.

"When you're transgender, you might not be able to update all of your government IDs, even though you want to," he says. "I've been out for over a decade. I still have not been able to update all of my documents because the policies are so onerous. I've been able to update my driver's license, Social Security card and passport, but I cannot update my birth certificate."

"Just because a transgender person doesn't have their authentic name on their ID doesn't mean it's not the name that they really use every day," he advises. "So just be mindful to refer to people by the name they really use regardless of their driver's license."

NPR's Danielle Nett contributed to this report.

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Gender Identity & Expression

While many people express themselves in ways that are aligned with social norms related to sex and gender, others may choose expressions that are different than what people may expect of their gender identity.

Expressing your true gender identity is critical to living as your authentic self. Learn more about the importance of accepting and affirming your identity, and how to support those who may be exploring theirs.

Frequently Asked Questions

Gender expression often refers to how a person experiences and expresses various aspects of the male and female gender binary. Gender expression may also encompass characteristics that may be described as:

• Gender-neutral
• Androgynous
• Gender-conforming
• Gender-nonconforming 

There are many different gender identities, including (but not limited to) male, female, trans, non-binary, agender, omnigender, and pangender.

Gender dysphoria occurs when a person feels that their biological sex inaccurately represents their true being.

Nonbinary  gender identity is just one term used to describe individuals who may experience a gender identity that is neither exclusively woman nor man or is in between or beyond both genders.

People who are cisgender identify with the gender traditionally associated with the sex they were assigned at birth. 

The gender binary is the problematic notion that there are only two genders, and all individuals are either a woman or a man, and are expected to align with the sex assigned at birth.

Transitioning refers to the series of processes some transgender people may undergo to present themselves in a way that aligns with their gender identity—which can involve socially transitioning (through dressing a certain way) and/or medically transitioning (through hormones, surgery, or both).

Explore Gender Identity & Expression

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gender identity

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gender identity , an individual’s self-conception as a man or woman or as a boy or girl or as some combination of man/boy and woman/girl or as someone fluctuating between man/boy and woman/girl or as someone outside those categories altogether. It is distinguished from actual biological sex—i.e., male or female. For most persons, gender identity and biological sex correspond in the conventional way. Some individuals, however, experience little or no connection between sex and gender; among transgender persons, for example, biological sexual characteristics are distinct and unambiguous, but the affected person identifies with the gender conventionally associated with the opposite sex.

The nature and development of gender identity have been studied and disputed by psychologists, philosophers, and social activists since the late 20th century. So-called essentialists hold that gender identity is fixed at birth by genetic or other biological factors. Social constructivists argue that gender identity, or the manner in which gender identity is expressed, is “socially constructed”—i.e., determined by social and cultural influences. Social constructivism of the latter type is not necessarily incompatible with essentialism, because it is possible for a supposedly innate gender identity to be expressed in different ways in different cultures . Finally, a variation of social constructivism known as performatism holds that gender identity is constituted , rather than expressed, by the continuous “performance” of gendered behaviour (actions and speech). According to the originator of this view, the American philosopher Judith Butler , gender “is performatively constituted by the very ‘expressions’ that are said to be its results.”

Basic gender identity (whether innate or constructed) is generally established in children by the age of three and is extremely difficult to modify thereafter. In cases where biological sex was ambiguous at birth and errors in sexing were made, it has been almost impossible to reestablish a conventional gender identity later in childhood or adolescence. Furthermore, a secondary gender identity can be developed over the core identity, as sex-associated behaviours may be adopted later in life; heterosexual or homosexual orientations also develop later.

Aspects of gender identity develop by means of parental example, social reinforcement, and language . Parents teach what they perceive as sex-appropriate behaviour to their children from an early age, and this behaviour is reinforced as the children grow older and enter a wider social world. As children acquire language, they also learn very early the distinction between “he” and “she” and understand which pertain to themselves.

Since the late 20th century the recognition that many people have gender identities that are not conventionally associated with their biological sex and that some people have nonbinary gender identities (i.e., neither or both man/boy and woman/girl) have spurred discussions of a " gender continuum " and broadened support for the general use in English and other languages of gender-neutral pronouns ( they , them , and their ) in place of masculine or feminine pronouns ( he , she , him , her , his , hers ). Such usage, it is argued, enables speakers and writers to avoid attributing a false gender identity to a person based on perceived biological sex. The adoption of gender-neutral pronouns also has been advocated by those who object to the use of generic masculine pronouns and other masculine-gendered words to refer to people in general, as in “No one in his right mind would believe that” and “Man is a political animal.”

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Essays on Gender Identity

In an era where conversations about gender identity have moved to the forefront of social discourse, understanding the complexities of how individuals experience and express their gender has never been more important. At GradesFixer, we offer a rich collection of essay samples on gender identity that delve into the nuanced exploration of this vital aspect of human experience. These essays serve as a critical resource for students, educators, and anyone keen on deepening their understanding of gender identity.

A Multifaceted Exploration through Essays

Our collection spans a broad spectrum of topics related to gender identity, including but not limited to the distinction between gender and sex, the role of society in shaping gender norms , and the experiences of transgender and non-binary individuals. By presenting a variety of perspectives, we aim to illuminate the diverse ways in which people understand, negotiate, and articulate their gender identities.

Support for Academic and Personal Inquiry

For students tasked with writing a gender identity essay, our samples provide an invaluable foundation of ideas, analytical frameworks, and narrative approaches. These essays exemplify how to critically and empathetically engage with stories of gender exploration and the impact of societal norms on individual identity formation. Drawing from our collection, students can craft essays that are both informative and reflective, contributing meaningful insights to the ongoing conversation on gender identity.

Encouraging Inclusive and Informed Dialogue

Beyond serving as an academic resource, our gender identity essay samples play a role in fostering a more inclusive and informed dialogue on gender issues. They encourage readers to question assumptions, recognize the diversity of gender experiences, and appreciate the importance of supporting all individuals in their journey toward self-understanding and acceptance.

Join Our Engaged Community of Learners and Thinkers

At GradesFixer, we're committed to promoting a deeper understanding of gender identity through scholarly exploration and personal reflection. We invite you to explore our collection of gender identity essay samples, draw inspiration and knowledge for your own writing, and join the critical discussions that shape our perceptions of gender in the modern world.

The discourse on gender identity is dynamic and continually evolving, reflecting the complexities of human identity in a changing world. With our curated collection of essay samples, you're well-equipped to engage with this discourse, offering fresh perspectives and enriching the academic and social understanding of gender identity. Explore our collection today to support your research, writing, and exploration of gender identity.

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Students Exploring Gender Identity

This information is designed to help teachers respond to students who may need support. It is not intended to be used as a diagnostic tool or to replace the use of formal assessments employed by mental health professionals. Additionally, it is important to consider the context of the situation, individual differences, and cultural and linguistic factors.

Teachers play an important role in establishing and maintaining healthy environments for students to learn and grow. As leaders and guides in setting and maintaining the culture of their classrooms and school communities, teachers are critical in establishing welcoming, respectful, and safe environments, explaining expectations for student interactions, and modeling inclusive language, which continues to evolve over time.

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What is Gender Identity?

• Gender identity is an individual’s sense of their own gender (e.g., as a male, female, transgender, nonbinary).
• Gender expression is how an individual presents their gender to others through physical appearance and behavior—this may include, but is not limited to, dress, voice, or movement.
• Gender diverse is a term that addresses the spectrum of gender identities and expressions, including but not limited to: Transgender—a person whose identity differs from the sex and gender assigned to them at birth. Non-binary—a person who does not identify exclusively as a male and female. A non-binary person may identify as being both male and female, or not a part of either of these categories.
• Cisgender refers to a person whose identity does not differ from the sex and gender assigned to them at birth.

How Might Gender Diversity Impact the School Experience?

• 80% of transgender adults report knowing they were “different” as early as elementary school. 96% report realizing they were transgender before adulthood.
• On average, gender diverse individuals were 15 years old before they had the vocabulary to understand and communicate their gender identity.
• Gender diverse students often report feeling unsafe at school, avoiding gender specific spaces (e.g., restrooms), and experiencing harassment at school.
• Students indicate that they rarely report discriminatory incidents, and those who do feel unprotected.
• Gender diverse students experiencing gender-related stressors at school are more likely be absent, have lower GPAs, report higher levels of depression, engage in substance use and risky behaviors, and be at an elevated risk for suicide.
• Some students may live in their affirmed gender identity with peers at school, but not at home, or vice versa.

What Can Teachers Do?

Do : Model gender inclusive language and behavior.

Don’t categorize students by binary gender (e.g., line up by boys/girls).

Do : Implement policies for non-discrimination and anti-harassment for gender diverse students.

Don’t wait for issues to arise before addressing harassment and discrimination against gender diverse students.

Do : Maintain an open mind that gender identity is complex and each student’s identity is unique.

Don’t attempt to categorize students or draw conclusions about other qualities based on their gender expression.

Do : Respect students’ stories and allow them to inform people (peers, teachers, parents) in their own time and in their own way.

Don’t share information about gender identity without students’ permission. In particular, be aware that in a virtual learning environment (VLE) some students may have other people in the same learning space who are not aware of their gender identity.

Do : Recognize that, depending on home situations, in a VLE, some youth may feel limited in their ability to express their gender identity.

Don’t assume that students are equally comfortable expressing their gender identity at home and at school (whether in person or in VLE).

Do : Be aware of your own biases or assumptions that might send mixed messages to students.

Don’t assume students should behave or express their gender identities in certain ways.

Do : In the VLE, use your pronouns in your email signature and on your video screen. This communicates to students that you don’t make assumptions about pronouns and gender identity based on appearance alone, and that they can report the pronouns that they use.

Don’t require that every student use their preferred pronouns in their email or on screen, as they may not be ready to share these yet. 

Do : In the VLE, invite students to change the name on their video screen to reflect the name that they would like to use during your class.

Don’t require that they use the name with which they are registered for school.

Refer Students to Further Help if Needed

• Review your school policy for seeking student supports.
• Contact your school counselor, psychologist, social worker, or other personnel.

Additional Resources

• The Genderbread Person
• Understanding and Supporting Gender Diversity
• The Respect Online Course
• The Trevor Project
• How to Make Your School Safer for LGBTQ Students
• Schools in Transition
• Model School District Policy on Transgender and Gender Nonconforming Students

Empirical Research

Birnkrant, J. M., & Przeworski, A. (2017). Communication, advocacy, and acceptance among support-seeking parents of transgender youth. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Mental Health , 21 (2), 132–153. https://doi.org/10.1080/19359705.2016.1277173

Bowskill, nee H. T. (2017). How educational professionals can improve the outcomes for transgender children and young people. Educational and Child Psychology , 34 (3), 96–108. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=psyh&AN=2018-08632-006&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Chong, E. S. K., Poteat, V. P., Yoshikawa, H., & Calzo, J. P. (2019). Fostering youth self-efficacy to address transgender and racial diversity issues: The role of gay–straight alliances. School Psychology , 34 (1), 54–63. https://doi.org/10.1037/spq0000258.supp

Moe, J. L., Perera-Diltz, D., Sepulveda, V., & Finnerty, P. (2014). Salience, valence, context, and integration: Conceptualizing the needs of sexually and gender diverse youth in P–12 schools. Journal of Homosexuality , 61 (3), 435–451. https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2013.842437

Olson, K. R., & Gülgöz, S. (2018). Early findings from the transyouth project: Gender development in transgender children. Child Development Perspectives , 12 (2), 93–97. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12268

Turban, J., Ferraiolo, T., Martin, A., & Olezeski, C. (2017). Ten things transgender and gender nonconforming youth want their doctors to know. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry , 56 (4), 275–277. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaac.2016.12.015

The Mental Health Primers are developed by the Coalition for Psychology in Schools and Education . This resource was updated in October 2021 with support from cooperative agreement NU87PS004366 funded by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Its contents are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views or endorsement of the CDC or the Department of Health and Human Services.

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Article Contents

1. introduction, 2. gender identity first, 3. the no connection view, 4. contextualism, 5. pluralism, 6. further and future work.

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Recent Work on Gender Identity and Gender

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Rach Cosker-Rowland, Recent Work on Gender Identity and Gender, Analysis , Volume 83, Issue 4, October 2023, Pages 801–820, https://doi.org/10.1093/analys/anad027

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Our gender identity is our sense of ourselves as a woman, a man, as genderqueer or as another gender. Trans people have a gender identity that is different from the gender they were assigned at birth. Some recent work has discussed what it is to have a sense of ourselves as a particular gender, what it is to have a gender identity ( Andler 2017 , Bettcher 2009 , 2017 , Jenkins 2016 , 2018 , McKitrick 2015 ). But beyond the question of how we should understand gender identity is the question of how gender identities relate to genders.

Our gender is the property we have of being a woman, being a man, being non-binary or being another gender. What is the relationship between our gender identity and our gender? According to many people’s conceptions and the standards operative in trans communities, our gender identity always determines our gender. Other people and communities have different views and standards: some hold that our gender is determined by the gender we are socially positioned or classed as, others hold that our gender is determined by whether we have particular biological features, such as the chromosomes we have. If our gender is determined by our gendered social position or whether we have certain biological features, then our gender identity will not determine our gender.

There are several different ways of approaching the question what is the relationship between our gender identity and our gender? We can approach this question as a descriptive or hermeneutical question about our current concepts of gender identity and gender: what is the relationship between our concept of gender identity and our concept of gender? ( Bettcher 2013 , Diaz-Leon 2016 , Laskowski 2020 , McGrath 2021 , Cosker-Rowland forthcoming , Saul 2012 ) Rather than focusing on descriptive questions about our gender concepts, many feminists, such as Sally Haslanger (2000) and Katharine Jenkins (2016) , have proposed ameliorative accounts of the concepts of gender which we should accept; these are gender concepts which they argue that we can use to further the feminist purposes of fights against gender injustice and campaigns for trans rights. We might then ask the ameliorative question, what is the relationship between our gender identity and our gender according to the concepts of gender and gender identity that we should accept? However, some of the most interesting recent work on the relationship between gender identity and gender has focussed on the metaphysical issue of the relationship between being a member of a particular gender kind G (e.g. being a woman) and having gender identity G (e.g. having a female gender identity). As we’ll see, we can answer these different questions in different ways: for instance, we can hold that we should adopt concepts such that someone is a woman iff they have a female gender identity but hold that metaphysically someone is a woman iff they are treated as a woman by their society, that is, iff they are socially positioned as a woman.

Four positions about the relationship between gender identity and gender that give answers to these ameliorative and metaphysical questions have emerged. This article will explain and evaluate these four positions. In order to understand these different views about the relationship between gender identity and gender it will help to have a little understanding of recent work on gender identity. The two most well-known and popular accounts of gender identity in the analytical philosophy literature are the self-identification account and the norm-relevancy account. On the self-identification account, to have a female gender identity is to self-identify as a woman. One way of explaining what it means to self-identify as a woman is to hold that such self-identification consists in a disposition to assert that one is a woman when asked what gender one is. 1 On the norm-relevancy account, to have a female gender identity is to experience the norms associated with women in your social context (e.g. the norm, women should shave their legs) as relevant to you ( Jenkins 2016 , 2018 ).

A first view of the relationship between gender and gender identity is what we can call gender identity first . According to a metaphysical version of gender identity first , what it is to be gender G (e.g. a woman) is to have a G gender identity (e.g. to have a female gender identity). Talia Bettcher (2009 : 112), B.R. George and R.A. Briggs (m.s.: §1.3–4), Iskra Fileva (2020 : esp. 193), and Susan Stryker (2006 : 10) argue for gender identity first or views similar to it. And the view that our gender is always determined by our gender identity is, as Briggs and George discuss, part of the standard view in many trans communities and among activists for trans rights. One key virtue of gender identity first is that it ensures that gender is always consensual: on this view, we can be correctly gendered as gender G (e.g. as a woman) only if we identify as a G , and so we can be correctly gendered as a G only if we consent to be gendered as a G by others ( George and Briggs m.s. : §1.3) ( Figure 1 ). 2

Gender identity first

Elizabeth Barnes (2022 : 2) argues that we should reject gender identity first as both a metaphysical and as an ameliorative view. She argues that

(i) Some severely cognitively disabled people do not have gender identities, but

(ii) These severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities have genders and should be categorized as having genders.

And in this case, although having gender identity G is sufficient for being gender G , it is not necessary for being gender G nor necessary for being categorized as a G according to the concepts of gender that we should accept. So, we should reject gender identity first as both a metaphysical view and as an ameliorative view.

Regarding (i), Barnes argues that gender identity

requires awareness of various social norms and roles (and, moreover an awareness of them as gendered), the ability to articulate one’s own relationship to those norms and roles, and so on. But many cognitively disabled people have little or no access to language. Many tend not to understand social norms, much less to identify those norms as specifically gendered. (6)

The norm-relevancy account of gender identity implies that this is true, since on this view having a gender identity involves taking certain gendered social norms to be relevant to you. And the self-identification account also seems to imply that having a gender identity involves having capacities that many severely cognitively disabled people do not have, since self-identification as a particular gender involves a linguistic capacity to say or be disposed to say that one is, or think of oneself as, a particular gender, and many severely cognitively disabled people do not have these capacities.

Barnes has two arguments for

(ii) Severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities have genders.

First, Barnes argues that severely cognitively disabled people who do not have gender identities nonetheless have genders because they suffer gender-based oppression ( 2022 : 11–12). For instance, severely cognitively disabled women are subject to gendered violence and forced sterilization to a greater degree than severely cognitively disabled men. This argument may seem strongest as an argument for (ii) as a metaphysical claim: the view that severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities have genders is the best explanation of what we find happening in the world.

Second, Barnes argues that holding that some severely cognitively disabled people do not have genders because they do not have gender identities would involve othering, alienating or dehumanizing these severely cognitively disabled people. Gender identity first implies that agender people do not have genders because their gender identity is that they have no gender. But Barnes argues that gender identity first’s implication that severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities lack a gender is more pernicious. Agender people have the capacity to form a gender identity but they opt-out of gender. Gender identity first implies that severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities fail to have genders because they do not have the capacity to form a gender identity. So, it implies that they fail to have a gender in the way that tables and animals fail to have a gender – by failing to have the right capacities to have a gender – rather than in the way that agender people do so; for agender people have these capacities. Therefore, Barnes argues, gender identity first others and alienates severely cognitively disabled people from other humans, since all other humans have the capacity to have a gender and having a gender (or opting out of it) is a central part of human (social life). 3 This second argument seems best understood as an argument that we shouldn’t adopt concepts of gender that imply that one is gender G iff one has gender identity G because there are moral and political costs to adopting such concepts.

A second account of the relationship between gender identity and gender is the opposite view; this view understands gender identity and gender as entirely disconnected. On this no connection view, the fact that a woman has a sense of herself as a woman is never what makes her a woman; other features of her, such as the way that she is socially positioned, the way she was socialized, or her biological features, make her a woman.

Several accounts of gender imply the no connection view, including Haslanger’s (2000) influential account of gender. Haslanger’s account was originally proposed as an ameliorative account of the concepts of gender that we should adopt rather than as a metaphysical account of gender properties. But in later work Haslanger also endorsed her account of gender as a metaphysical account of gender properties ( 2012 : e.g. 133–134). On Haslanger’s account, to be a woman is to be systematically subordinated because one is observed or imagined to have bodily features that are presumed to be evidence of a female’s biological role in reproduction; on Haslanger’s view, women are sexually marked subordinates. This view of what it is to be a woman implies that one’s being a woman is never determined by one’s female gender identity. Since, whether one has a sense of oneself as a woman, is disposed to assert that one is a woman or takes norms associated with women to be relevant to one, is neither necessary nor sufficient for one to be a sexually marked subordinate.

Although our gender is not directly determined by our gender identity on Haslanger’s account, one’s female gender identity can indirectly lead one to be a woman on Haslanger’s account. For instance, a trans woman’s female gender identity may lead her to take estradiol which will make her have female sex characteristics, which may lead to her being assumed to play a female biological role in reproduction, to be oppressed accordingly, and so to be a woman on Haslanger’s account. In this case, on Haslanger’s account, someone’s female gender identity can indirectly lead to their becoming a woman ( Figure 2 ).

The n o connection view

Other accounts of gender similarly imply the no connection view of the relationship between gender identity and gender. According to Bach’s (2012) account of gender, to be a woman one has to have been socialized as a woman. But one can have a sense of oneself as a woman without having been socialized as a woman and one can be socialized as a woman without forming a sense of oneself as a woman. So, having a female gender identity is neither necessary nor sufficient to be a woman on Bach’s account (although it may be more likely that A will have a sense of themself as a woman if A was socialized as a woman). Biological or sex-based accounts of gender on which our genders are determined by our biological features, such as our chromosomes, also imply the no connection view, since to have a female gender identity is neither necessary nor sufficient for having XX chromosomes. 4

The no connection view implies that many trans women are not women. For instance, Haslanger’s version of this view implies that trans women who are not presumed to have female sex characteristics by those in their society are not women; so trans women who are not recognised as women, or who ‘do not pass’, 5 are not women. This is because such trans women are not observed or imagined to have features that are presumed to be evidence of a female’s biological role in reproduction. There are many such trans women. So, no connection views such as Haslanger’s imply that many trans women are not women ( Jenkins 2016 : 398–402). Some have argued that this is an unacceptable result for a metaphysical view about the relationship between gender identity and gender, either because all trans women are women or because this view would marginalize trans women within contemporary feminism ( Mikkola 2016 : 100–102). These implications are even more problematic for ameliorative no connection views, that is, for views of how gender identity and gender are related according to the concepts that we ought to accept. For we should not adopt gender concepts that imply that we should not classify many trans women as women ( Jenkins 2016 ).

Furthermore, trans communities and trans-inclusive communities ascribe gender entirely on the basis of the gender identities people express or which people are presumed to have. Another problem with the no connection view is that it may seem to imply that there are no genders being tracked or ascribed in these communities ( Jenkins 2016 : 400–401; Ásta 2018 : 73–74).

These problems do not establish that Haslanger’s account of gender should be abandoned entirely. Elizabeth Barnes (2020) has recently argued that we can rescue Haslanger’s account of gender from the problem that it excludes trans women by understanding it as an account of what explains our experiences of gender. According to Barnes’ version of Haslanger’s account, our practices of gendering people, and our gender identities, are the product of Haslangerian social practices of subordinating and privileging people on the basis of perceived sex characteristics. Barnes’ version of Haslanger’s account does not imply that one is a woman iff one is systematically subordinated because one is observed or imagined to have bodily features that are presumed to be evidence of one’s playing a female’s biological role in reproduction. This is because Barnes’ account is only an account of what gives rise to our experiences of gender rather than an account of who has what gender properties or of the gender concepts that we should accept. Barnes might rescue a version of Haslanger’s account from the problem that it excludes trans women. But if she does, she does this by revising Haslanger’s account so that it drops the no connection view of the relationship between gender identities and gender; Barnes’ revised version of Haslanger’s account of gender is instead silent on the issue of the relationship between having gender identity G and being a member of gender G . So, Barnes’ rescue of Haslanger’s account of gender does not rescue the no connection view of the relationship between gender identity and gender.

Gender identity first and no connection views such as Haslanger’s are invariantist views of the relationship between gender identity and gender: they hold that the relationship between gender identity and gender does not vary across different contexts. A third account of the relationship between gender identity and gender is the opposite of invariantism, contextualism. According to this view, the features that determine our gender, and so the relationship between gender identity and gender, is different from context to context.

Ásta (2018) and Robin Dembroff (2018) have proposed and/or defended forms of (metaphysical) contextualism. On their views, the gender properties that we have, or the gender kinds that we are members of, are determined by the way that we are treated in particular contexts. We are a member of gender G in virtue of our gender identity G in certain contexts, namely trans-inclusive contexts where people are treated as genders based on their (avowed) gender identities. But in other contexts, we are never a member of gender G in virtue of our gender identity G : in contexts in which people are treated as a gender based on features other than their gender identities – such as traditional or conservative societies – we are not members of genders based on our gender identities. For instance, trans woman Amy is a woman in the context of the support group Trans Leeds – she is a woman (Trans Leeds) – but she is not a women in the context of her conservative parents in Henley who don’t recognize her as a woman and who treat people as women based on the chromosomes that they believe them to have – she is not a woman (family-in-Henley) . And Alex is non-binary in the context of the support group Non-Binary Leeds, where one is conferred a particular gender status based on one’s avowed self-identification – they are non-binary (Non-Binary Leeds) – but Alex is perceived as male in most contexts and is treated as male regardless of their self-identification at school, work and in public, and so Alex is not non-binary in most contexts – e.g. they are not non-binary (Alex’s school) . Importantly, on this view, there is no such thing as being gender G simpliciter , that is, beyond whether one is a G -relative-to-a-certain-context – and the way one is treated or the standards that are operative in that context. So, it is not the case that Alex is non-binary simpliciter or genuinely non-binary; they are merely non-binary relative to one standard or context and not non-binary relative to another.

Contextualism can explain why the way that some people are gendered varies from context to context: in explaining her contextualist view, Ásta (2018 : 73–74) gives an example of a coder who is one of the guys at work, neither a guy nor a girl at the bars they go to after work, and one of the women – and expected to help out like all the other women – at their grandmother’s house (85–86). Contextualism also allows us to explain how sometimes people are gendered on the basis of their perceived biological features and sometimes gendered based on their avowed (or assumed) gender identities. Dembroff argues that a contextualist view is particularly useful in explaining how, in many societies and contexts, trans people are unjustly constrained, or as they put it ‘ontologically oppressed’, by being constructed and categorized as a member of a category with which they do not identify; identifying such ontological oppression is essential to explaining the oppression that trans people face ( Dembroff 2018 : 24–26, Jenkins 2020 ) ( Figure 3 ).

Contextualism

However, there are several problems with contextualism. One problem is that it implies that gender critical feminists are, in a sense, right when they claim that trans women are not women and trans men are not men because trans women are not women according to the standards of many people and of many places: in many places trans women, for instance, are not treated as women, and in many places trans women are not women relative to the dominant standard for who is a woman, which is sex-based or biology-based. So, for instance, when in 2021 the then Tory UK Health Secretary Sajid Javid said that ‘only women have cervixes’, according to contextualism, what he said was true in a sense: only women (dominant UK-standards) have cervixes; and only women (Tory party conference) have cervixes. Even though it is false that only women (Trans Leeds) have cervixes because trans men have cervixes. This conclusion may seem problematic and paralyzing because it implies that Javid’s claim is true in a sense in certain contexts, and we cannot truthfully claim that it is just plain false ( Saul 2012 : 209–210, Diaz-Leon 2016 : 247–248). 6

Ásta (2018 : e.g. 87–88) and Dembroff (2018) argue that we can solve this problem by holding that, although it is true that trans men are not men relative to most dominant UK contexts, we should still treat and classify trans men as men. We should classify trans men as men because facts about how we should classify someone – the gender properties that we should treat them as having – are established by moral and political considerations. But although we should classify trans men as men, they are not – as a matter of social metaphysical fact – men (dominant UK contexts) . So, we should accept contextualism as a metaphysical view about the relationship between gender identity and gender but not as an ameliorative view about the gender concepts we should accept; we can call this combination of views purely metaphysical contextualism.

Dembroff (2018 : 38–48) recognizes that purely metaphysical contextualism may seem to have problematic implications. It may seem to imply that many trans women (for instance) are mistaken when they say that they are women in many contexts, such as dominant UK and US contexts, where there are chromosomes-based or assigned-sex-at-birth-based gender standards. Yet Dembroff argues that purely metaphysical contextualism does not have this problematic implication because trans women are women relative to the gender kinds operative in trans-inclusive contexts.

However, this will not always be a helpful form of correctness. Suppose that Alicia is a trans woman in London in 1840. There are no trans-inclusive societies, communities or contexts that she knows of. But she takes herself to be a woman, and suppose that according to both of the accounts of gender identity that we discussed in §1, Alicia has a female gender identity. We can say that Alicia’s judgement that she is a woman is correct in the sense that it is correct-relative to the gender kinds operative in future contexts and fictional contexts. But any judgment that we might make is true relative to the standards in some future or merely possible context. And we might wonder why it matters that someone’s judgment about their own gender is true relative to the standards operative in some future context that they could not possibly be aware of. This form of truth is not what they want and it’s hard to see why it should be relevant in this context. Furthermore, trans people are widely held to be misguided, mentally unstable, suffering from a delusion or making believe ( Bettcher 2007 , Serano 2016 : ch. 2, Lopez 2018 , Rajunov and Duane 2019 : xxiv). If the only interesting way in which Alicia is correct about her gender is that she is that gender according to standards far in the future that she is not aware of, then it would seem that Alicia is misguided about her gender – given that she could not know about these standards – and that she is in a sense making believe. This seems like an undesirable consequence, especially if we think that Alicia is really a woman, that is, that she is not misguided.

There are two further, more general, problems for contextualism. 7 First, contextualism seems to clash with how many of us think about our own and others’ genders. For instance, many trans men think that they should be classified as men because they are men, and not just because they are men-relative to the standards of trans-inclusive communities and societies ( Saul 2012 : 209–210). 8 Gender critical feminists think that trans women are not women, that standards which align with this view track the standard-independent truth, and standards which don’t align with this view do not.

Second, contextualism seems to be in tension with the idea that many of our disagreements about gender are genuine disagreements. Suppose that contextualism is true and that we (and everyone else) accept it. In this case, it is hard for us to sincerely genuinely disagree with Javid about whether only women have cervixes. Since, when he says that only women have cervixes we know that he means that only those who count as women, relative to the dominant UK standards or relative to the standards operative amongst Tory MPs and members, have cervixes. And we agree with him about this, since we know that according to these standards trans men are women. So, if contextualism is true and we accept it, it is hard for us to genuinely disagree with Javid. Contextualism could be true without our knowing or believing it. In this case, we could genuinely disagree with Javid. But our disagreement here would only be possible because we are significantly mistaken about what kinds of things gender kinds are; we think gender kinds are not all context- or standard-relative but in fact they are. And attributing such a significant mistake to all of us is a significant cost of a metaphysical theory, for other things equal we should accept more charitable theories that do not imply that we are significantly mistaken rather than theories that do imply this ( Olson 2011 : 73–77, McGrath 2021 : 35, 46–48).

These problems with contextualism about the relationship between gender identity and gender are analogues of problems that contextualist views face in other domains such as in metaethics. According to metaethical contextualism, moral claims, their meanings and their truth are always standard-relative. There is no such thing as an act being morally wrong, only its being morally-wrong-relative-to-utilitarianism or morally-wrong-relative-to-the-standards-of-Victorian-England. But metaethical contextualism faces a problem explaining fundamental moral disagreement. Act-utilitarians and Kantians agree that pushing the heavy man off of the bridge in the footbridge trolley case is wrong (Kantianism) and right (act-utilitarianism) but they still disagree and they take themselves to be disagreeing about which of their moral standards is correct, and which standard tracks the truth about which actions are right and wrong simpliciter ( Olson 2011 : 73–77, Cosker-Rowland 2022 : 57–59). If there are no non-context- or standard-relative properties of right and wrong, then although Kantians and Utilitarians do disagree – they think there are such properties – there is in fact nothing for them to disagree about. So, metaethical contextualism seems to be committed to a kind of error theory about morality that, other things equal, we should avoid: Kantians and Utilitarians think that they are talking about which of their moral standards is independently correct, but there is no such standard-independent moral correctness. Contextualists in metaethics have developed several types of resources to mitigate this kind of problem or to enable contextualism to explain what’s happening in these disagreements better. Perhaps these proposals could be used to mitigate the analogous problems with contextualism about the relationship between gender identity and gender. McGrath (2021 : esp. 42–49) considers this possibility and argues that these responses are not plausible, and that they face similar problems to the problems faced by the analogous responses proposed by contextualists in metaethics. 9 More broadly, whether contextualists’ proposals to mitigate these problems for metaethical contextualism do, or could, succeed is contested ( Cosker-Rowland 2022 : 59–64). 10

Contextualism holds that the features that determine our gender vary from context to context and so whether our gender identity determines our gender varies from context to context. Invariantist views such as gender identity first and the no connection view hold that one feature (e.g. gender identity or whether one is a sexually marked subordinate) determines our gender in every context. But we need not adopt such a monist invariantist view; we can instead adopt a pluralist invariantist view that holds that multiple features are relevant to, or determine, our genders across different contexts ( Figure 4 ). A version of pluralism that has been proposed is what we can call the two properties view. According to the two properties view, two and only two properties determine our gender in all contexts: our gender identity and our gendered social position or class. Gender identity first and Haslanger’s no connection view hold that one of these two properties determines our gender in every context; the two properties view holds that both of these properties can make us a particular gender in every context. 11

Views of the relationship between gender identity and gender

Katharine Jenkins (2016) proposes an ameliorative version of the two properties view. She proposes that we accept gender concepts according to which there are two senses of woman . In one sense of woman , to be a woman is to have a female gender identity; in another second sense, to be a woman is to be socially classed as a woman, which we can understand in terms of Haslanger’s account: to be a woman in this second sense is to be a sexually marked subordinate. Jenkins argues that if we accept gender concepts according to which there are two senses of ‘woman’, we do not objectionably exclude trans women, since trans women who are not socially classed as women do have female gender identities and so are still women on this view. So, Jenkins argues that we should accept gender concepts such that A is a woman iff A is socially classed as a woman or has a female gender identity. She then argues that, although we should accept gender concepts on which there are two senses of gender, we should, at least primarily, use ‘woman’ to refer to people with a female gender identity rather than those who are classed as women.

Jenkins’ two properties view avoids the problems with the ameliorative gender identity first and no connection views. It does not imply that severely cognitively disabled women are not women and it does not imply that trans women are not women. Yet if we adopt a concept of ‘woman’ with two senses but use ‘woman’ to refer to people with female gender identities, it still seems that we adopt concepts according to which trans women who are not socially classed as women are not women in an important sense. We may want to avoid this consequence with our ameliorative proposals, since trans women want to be thought of as women, and many trans women want to be thought of as in no way men, rather than merely being referred to as women rather than men (see e.g. Wynn 2018 ). We might also worry that adoption of Jenkins’ view would create a hierarchy of women on which someone who is a woman in both senses is more of a woman than someone who is a woman in only one sense: we might worry that if such concepts of gender were adopted, a trans woman who does not have her womanhood socially recognized would be seen as less of a woman than a trans woman who is socially positioned as a woman. 12

Elizabeth Barnes (2022 : 24–25) briefly articulates a similar metaphysical two properties view. On this view, there are two different properties that one can have that can make it the case that one is gender G : the property of being socially classed as a G and the property of having gender identity G . And the relevant gender identity property takes priority when A is socially classed as a G1 (e.g. as a man) but has gender identity G2 (e.g. a female gender identity): in such a case A is a G2 (a woman) rather than a G1 (a man) ( Figure 5 ).

The two properties view

However, the two properties view needs to explain why our gender identities take precedence over our gendered social position in determining our gender when the two conflict. Without further supplementation the metaphysical two property view does not do this; it does not explain why A is a man when A has a male gender identity but is socially positioned as a woman. If the two properties view does not explain this, it has an explanatory deficiency, and this deficiency gives us reason to accept competing views that do not face this explanatory problem over the two properties view.

One natural way to supplement the two properties view to try to solve this explanatory problem is to hold that moral and political considerations determine that gender identity takes priority over gender class when they conflict. 13 . First, it is controverisal that there is moral encroachment on gender metaphysics, that what's morally best makes a difference to what gender we metaphysically are. For instance, Ásta (2018) , Dembroff (2018) and Jenkins (2020) argue that morality does not encroach on gender metaphysics in this way.

Second, we can think of this as the moral encroachment explanation. However, moral encroachment does not look like a plausible explanation of how, metaphysically, gender identity takes priority over gendered social position in determining our genders. To see this, suppose that Alexa understands herself to be a woman and is treated by those around her as a woman. An evil demon will kill 2000 members of Alexa’s community unless we hold that Alexa is a man, treat Alexa as, think of Alexa as, and assert that Alexa is a man for the next hour. In this case, moral and political considerations establish that we morally ought to treat Alexa as a man for the next hour, but this doesn’t mean that Alexa is in fact a man. 14

It might seem that a nearby view on which moral and political considerations play a smaller role is more plausible. On this view, moral and political considerations only come in to determine whether, metaphysically, A is a member of gender G1 or of gender G2 when A is socially classed as a G1 but has identity G2 . But this view would also generate counterintuitive results. To see this, suppose that Beth has a female gender identity and she was assigned female at birth, but she is socially classed as a man – she doesn’t resist this because of the strong economic advantages she receives, which outweigh the discomfort she feels by being constantly misgendered. Now suppose that an eccentric, very powerful and malevolent millionaire brings these facts to light but will torture everyone in our society unless we continue to classify, think of and refer to Beth as a man. In this case, plausibly, moral and political considerations establish that we should classify Beth as a man, but these facts do not seem to bear on whether Beth is a man or a woman; intuitively Beth is a woman, and intuitively the fact that morally we should think of, treat, and classify Beth as a man does not make it the case that Beth is a man – and really has nothing to do with Beth’s gender in this case. So, if moral and political considerations play this more limited role in determining our genders, they still sometimes generate the wrong result because there are cases in which the social and political considerations side with someone’s gendered social position rather than their gender identity, but in which this does not seem to be relevant to, or establish that, their gender lines up with their gendered social position. So, the moral encroachment explanation does not seem to solve the explanatory problem for the two properties view. 15

These evil millionaire cases may be too fantastical for some. But the same point can be made with real world examples too. Norah Vincent (2006) disguised herself as a man for 18 months so that she could investigate men and their experiences. She became socially positioned as, and treated by others as, a man. While she was effectively disguised as a man, moral and political considerations seem to have established that everyone should treat her as a man: those who didn’t know her real gender had an obligation to take her assertions that she was a man as genuine and those who did know her real gender had an obligation not to blow her cover. But although everyone ought to have treated Vincent as a man, she was not a man: she did not identify as a man at the time, nor prior or subsequent to her journalistic project. Moral and political considerations favoured treating Vincent in line with her social position as a man rather than in line with her female gender identity. But these factors do not establish that she was a man rather than a woman. So, the moral encroachment explanation generates the wrong results in this case too.

One way to respond to this problem for the two properties view is to drop the view that gender identity takes priority. But this would be problematic for then trans women who are socially positioned as men would be both men and women on this view – and not just people with female gender identities who are socially positioned as men. This is implausible. This view is also different from contextualism since contextualism holds that such trans women are women-relative-to-the-standards-of-trans-inclusive-contexts and men-relative-to-other-contexts; a version of the two properties view that drops the priority of gender identity holds that such trans women are both men and women tout court .

In this paper I’ve discussed metaphysical and ameliorative inquiries into the relationship between gender identity and gender. I’ve discussed four different views about this relationship. All four views face problematic objections. Gender identity first seems to objectionably exclude some severely cognitively disabled people from having genders. No connection views seem to be objectionably trans exclusionary. Contextualism seems to be in tension with how we think about gender and implies that trans people are not the genders that line up with their gender identities in many contexts; despite contextualists’ best efforts, these implications still seem problematic. Pluralist views struggle to plausibly explain how their plurality of features interact when they conflict to determine our genders.

One avenue of future research involves examining the extent to which these objections really undermine these different views. For instance, we might question whether Barnes really shows that we should reject gender identity first. Barnes has two arguments for the view that, contra gender identity first, severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities have genders.

The first argument was that, if we reject this view, we cannot explain the gendered oppression that severely cognitively disabled women face. But we might wonder whether this is really true. All we need in order to explain the oppression that severely cognitively disabled women face is the claim that they are socially treated or understood to be women. But we can be socially treated or understood to be a gender other than the gender we are: e.g. many non-binary people who were assigned female at birth (AFAB) are discriminated against because they are understood to be women even though they are not women. We might think that we should explain the gendered oppression that AFAB severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities face and the gendered discrimination that AFAB non-binary people face in the same way: we should say that although they are not women, they are assumed to be women and are treated as women and this is why they face this gendered oppression. Barnes’ second argument was that the view that severely cognitively disabled people without gender identities do not have genders others and alienates these severely cognitively disabled people. However, we might wonder whether this is necessarily true. Perhaps we should think of the capacity to have a gender as inessential to human personhood just as we think of the capacity for membership in other categories as something that is not required for personhood: perhaps we should think that just as some severely cognitively disabled people lack the cognitive capacities to identify as a Christian or as a punk, and so are not Christians or punks, they similarly lack the capacities to identify as a woman and so are not women. If gender need not be central to human life, as religion (or music) need not be, perhaps we might reasonably claim to not other anyone by holding that they could not have a gender.

A second avenue of further work concerns genders beyond the gender category woman . Most of the work on the relationship between gender identity and gender has concerned the relationship between being a woman and having a female gender identity. But views about this may not straightforwardly generalize to provide plausible accounts of other genders such as genderqueer and other non-binary genders. 16 In one of the few published articles in analytic philosophy discussing genders beyond the gender binary, Dembroff (2020) argues that non-binary and genderqueer are critical gender kinds, which should be understood as kinds, membership in which constitutively involves engagement in the collective destabilization of dominant gender ideology. One way to destablize dominant gender ideology is to destabilize the idea that there are two mutually exclusive genders. Such destabilization of the binary gender axis can involve using gender neutral pronouns, cultivating gender non-conforming aesthetics, asserting one’s non-binary gender categorization, queering personal relationships, eschewing sexual binaries and/or switching between male and female coded spaces. Dembroff argues that to be genderqueer is ‘to have a felt or desired gender categorization that conflicts with the binary [gender] axis, and on that basis collectively destabilize this axis’ ( 2020 : 16). This understanding of the category genderqueer does not quite fit into the typology that I’ve explained in this article. For, on this account, a particular kind of non-binary gender identity is necessary but not sufficient for membership in the kind genderqueer .

There are issues with this account. For instance, Matthew Cull (2020 : 162) argues that this account misgenders agender people because many agender people have a felt or desired gender categorization that conflicts with the binary gender axis and are engaged in the collective destabilization of the gender binary but are not genderqueer; they are agender. 17 However, in general, more work is needed on gender kinds beyond the gender binary. This work may also provide new avenues for conceptualizing and/or complicating the relationship between gender identity and gender more generally. 18

See Bettcher (2009) ( 2017 : 396) and Jenkins (2018 : 727). cf. Barnes (2020 : 709).

See also Bornstein (1994 : 111, 123–124).

On the centrality of gender for social life see Witt 2011 .

See Bryne (2020) and Stock (2021 : ch. 2, ch. 6).

There are problems with using this terminology of passing. For instance, we typically think of A as passing as an F only if they are not an F . But if all trans women are women, then there are no ‘non-passing’ trans women. For discussion of issues with the concept of passing see e.g. Serano 2016 : 176–180.

Many gender critical feminists will want to reject contextualism for a similar but opposite reason: they believe that there is no sense in which Javid is mistaken, but contextualism implies that there is a sense in which he is mistaken.

For problems along these lines see McGrath 2021 : esp. 42–49.

Cf. Bettcher 2013 : esp. 242–243.

Cf. Dembroff 2018 : 44–45.

According to Jenkins’ (2023) ontological pluralism, there are a plurality of gender properties. For instance, there is the property of being a woman in the sense of having a female gender identity, and the property of being socially positioned as a woman in a particular context, but there is no further property of being a woman. Ontological pluralism about gender properties is a slightly different view about gender properties from the social position account of gender properties that Ásta and Dembroff propose; see Bettcher 2013 and Jenkins 2023. But ontological pluralism similarly implies that being a woman (social position) is not determined by one’s gender identity but being a woman (gender identity) is; and that there is no such thing as being a woman tout court beyond such a plurality of more specific gender properties. Since it has similar implications about the relationship between gender identity and gender to Ásta and Dembroff's views, it faces similar problems.

Other work on the metaphysics of gender, such as Stoljar’s (1995) nominalism or a view similar to it, could also be understood as a form of pluralist invariantism; although cf. Stoljar 1995 : 283 and Mikkola 2016 : 70.

Cf. Mikkola 2019 : §3.1.2 and Jenkins 2016 : 418–419.

Cf. Jenkins 2016 : 417–418 and Diaz-Leon 2016 .

Cases like this may also cause problems for Ásta’s and Dembroff’s social position accounts of gender.

Heather Logue suggested to me that a more specific form of moral encroachment might solve this problem: our autonomy might establish that our gender identities trump our gendered social positions when they conflict, without establishing that Beth is a man. However, we can imagine a version of this case in which Beth autonomously chooses to waive her right to be treated in line with her gender identity. In such a case Beth is still not a man.

We may also wonder whether this work will generalize to the category man given that human beings are still by default understood to be men in many contexts.

Another worry is that analogous accounts of the kind non-binary will either: (a) make the conditions for engagement in collective resistance too onerous and thereby exclude non-binary people who are not able to engage in this resistance due to oppressive circumstances; or (b) make these conditions too easy to satisfy, in which case it is unclear what work engagement in collective resistance is doing in this account; that is, it is unclear why we should prefer an account of the kind non-binary like this to a gender identity first account of the category non-binary . For work relevant to (a), arguing that trans people in the past who could not express their gender identities or resist the binary gender axis due to hostile circumstances may still be correctly considered to be trans, see Heyam 2022 : ch. 1.

I am grateful to a reviewer, who revealed themself to be Ray Briggs, for wonderful extremely thorough comments on a previous draft of this paper. I would also like to thank an audience of my colleagues at the University of Leeds for comments, thoughts and objections that shaped the final version of this paper.

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Gender identity and gender expression.

• Jama Shelton Jama Shelton Hunter College, City University of New York
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199975839.013.1324
• Published online: 21 June 2023

Gender identity and gender expression are aspects of personal identity that impact an individual across multiple social dimensions. As such, it is critical that social workers understand the role of gender identity and gender expression in an individual’s life. Many intersecting factors contribute to an individual’s gender identity development and gender expression, as well as their experiences interacting with individuals, communities, and systems. For instance, an individual’s race, geographic location, disability status, cultural background, religious affiliation, age, economic status, and access to gender-affirming healthcare are some of the factors that may impact experiences of gender identity and gender expression. Gender identity and expression are dimensions of diversity that social workers will interact with at all levels of practice. As such, it is important for social work educational institutions to ensure their students are prepared for practice with people of all gender identities and expression, while also understanding the historical context of the social work profession in relation to transgender populations and the ways in which the profession has reinforced the sex and gender binaries.

• gender binary
• gender equity
• gender identity
• gender expression

What Are Gender Identity and Gender Expression?

Every individual has a gender identity, and every individual expresses their gender (see Table 1 ). Gender identity and gender expression are often referenced in relation to transgender, nonbinary, and gender-expansive people, yet one’s gender and the expression of gender are dimensions of identity that every individual possesses. Gender identity can be understood as an individual’s internal sense of self as it relates to gender. One’s gender is a deeply felt, personal sense of self as a girl/woman, boy/man, both a girl/woman and a boy/man, neither a girl/woman nor a boy/man, or a combination of a girl/woman and a boy/man. Additional words people may use to describe their gender include (but are not limited to): nonbinary, gender expansive, agender, multigender, two-spirited, gender-fluid, genderqueer, and muxe. Importantly, there is no external source that can dictate an individual’s gender identity.

Gender expression refers to the ways in which an individual expresses their gender outwardly. Gender expression may include an individual’s dress, hairstyle, mannerisms, and behaviors. These are typically based on stereotypes about gender within a particular cultural context. An individual’s gender expression may or may not conform to social norms that are typically associated with an individual’s gender or with gendered assumptions based on an individual’s assigned sex. Importantly, an individual’s gender presentation may or may not reflect their gender identity. Issues such as personal safety and access to accurately gendered items may impact an individual’s ability to express their gender in a way that aligns with their gender identity.

Table 1. Additional Relevant Terms

The Sex and Gender Binaries

The terms gender and sex are often used interchangeably. While these terms may be related in some instances, they are not the same. An individual’s sex is connected to their chromosomes, hormones, and anatomy. Typically, an individual is assigned a sex at birth, if not prior to birth. A sex assignment is most often made based on the appearance of a baby’s genitals. The options for sex assignment have historically been either male or female, which is then listed on an individual’s birth certificate. This is still often the case in the United States, even though evidence demonstrates that sex is not a binary construct ( Fausto-Sterling, 2018 ). Some states in the country allow an additional option (X) for the classification of sex on the birth certificate. While it is beyond the scope of this article to examine the category of intersex (discussed in “XXX”), intersex people cannot be overlooked in discussions of sex and gender. The binary construction of sex assumes the existence of only two sexes. This is an inaccurate and limiting construct that ignores human variability. Not only is it inaccurate and limiting, it is also harmful. Intersex babies and children often undergo surgical procedures that they do not consent to, and are required to take hormones in order to make their bodies fit within a binary that their bodies directly challenge.

An individual’s gender is most often presumed based on their sex assignment, and is presumed to fall within the binary gender categories of girl/woman and boy/man. For instance, if a baby is assigned female, the assumption is that the baby is a girl and will grow up to be a woman. With this assumption comes a set of gendered norms and expectations, societally reinforced in myriad ways including options for grooming and dress, presumptions about appropriate behavior and presentation, and even the choice of language used to praise or discipline (“such a pretty girl” or “that’s not ladylike”). However, an individual’s assigned sex does not always predict their gender; gender identity is more strongly linked to an individual’s experience of gender than to assigned sex ( Olson et al., 2015 ). Yet, the connection between an individual’s sex and their gender and the binary constructions of both sex and gender are so widely taught that this misperception is pervasive in the United States and in many Western countries despite the fact that “defining gender as a condition determined strictly by a person’s genitals is based on a notion that doctors and scientists abandoned long ago as oversimplified and often medically meaningless” ( Grady, 2018 ). In addition to the limitations of these binary categories, sex and gender are often viewed as immutable and stable over time. The lived experiences of intersex, nonbinary, transgender, and gender-expansive people demonstrate the inaccuracy of the binary system of sex and gender categorization.

It is important to note that an individual’s identification within the gender binary is not itself problematic. Because many laws and policies in the United States are based on a binary construction of sex and/or gender, it is the classification system itself that is flawed. Binary classifications are problematic when identification with the gender binary and associated gender expressions are required for entry within social and legal systems.

Beyond the Binary: Reconceptualizing Gender Identity and Gender Expression

Some think about gender identity and gender expression as a continuum, with binary classifications marking the endpoints and a range of identities and expressions in between. More contemporary understandings assert that gender identity and gender expression exist more as a “galaxy” rather than a continuum ( Action Canada for Sexual Health and Rights, n.d. ). This thinking is more in alignment with moving beyond binary conceptualizations of gender altogether and situates all gender identities and gender expressions as equally viable, without relying on the containment of binary categories.

Moving beyond the gender binary not only improves the lived experiences of transgender, nonbinary, and gender-expansive people but also opens up possibilities for everyone . The construct of gender carries with it prescribed ways of being ranging from what is “appropriate” physical and behavioral gender expression to what are appropriate fields of study and career choices. Truly moving beyond the gender binary can liberate all people from the constraints inherent in presumptive and prescribed notions of what is deemed socially, culturally, and politically appropriate.

How could moving beyond the gender binary be operationalized within the social work profession? Prior to discussing suggestions for moving beyond the binary in social work education, practice, and research, it is important to first examine the history of the social work profession as it relates to gender identity and gender expression.

Social Work, Gender Identity, and Gender Expression: A Brief History

Historically, the social work profession is rife with demands that nonconforming gender expressions and bodies adapt to mainstream gendered expectations. Examples include the profession’s support for the assimilative Native American Residential Schools, electroconvulsive therapies intended to “cure” homosexuality, and a host of welfare eligibility requirements that serve to police Black families for their deviation from White heteronormative standards ( Bowles & Hopps, 2014 ). Thus, common practices centered around promoting access to resources through acclimating and gaining membership to the status quo. As such, the profession of social work has been complicit in the policing of gender and the maintenance of the gender binary. It is important for the profession to reckon with this disciplinary approach to gender identity and expression in the past, while also developing equitable frameworks for the future.

The primary formal mechanism for the policing of gender and, thus the reification of the gender binary, is the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). Gender identity disorder was first included in the DSM-III in 1980 , and included the diagnoses “gender identity disorder of childhood” and “transsexualism.” When updated in 1987 , the new DSM-III-R included gender identity disorder of adolescence and adulthood, nontranssexual type ( Drescher, 2009 ). Gender identity disorder of adolescence and adulthood, nontranssexual type, was removed from the DSM-IV and replaced with the category gender identity disorder, a diagnosis encompassing both gender identity disorder of childhood and transsexualism ( Shelton et al., 2019 ). The most recent version of the DSM (the DSM-5) replaced gender identity disorder with gender dysphoria. This shift in diagnostic terminology signifies a change in the understanding of the root causes of the challenges individuals face when their gender identity and gender expression fall outside of the dominant societal norms prescribed to the gender associated with their assigned sex. Namely that societal definitions of and expectations surrounding gender do not accurately reflect people’s lived experience of gender. However, the fact that a mental health diagnosis remains in the DSM is considered problematic by many, as gender related dissonance continues to be constructed as individual pathology.

The DSM solidified the notion of a gendered norm any deviation from which required correction. For decades, the remedy was to fit an individual into a gender that aligned with the expectations associated with their assigned sex. Through modern medicine, a new type of “correction” emerged for those who could gain access, through hormone treatment and affirming surgeries. Though these interventions are medical in nature, the psychiatric diagnoses remain a driving force in accessing these treatments. Further, gender-affirming treatments have reinforced the necessity of binary gender conformity, by supporting an individual in their transition from one gender to the other gender. It is important to note here that these treatments have been and continue to be life-saving for many individuals, and that identifying with the gender binary is not in itself problematic. As already stated, the gender binary is problematic when a binary classification is imposed and/or presumed and is not in alignment with an individual’s stated gender and understanding of their own body ( Ansara & Hegarty, 2012 ), and when identification or categorization within the gender binary is required for entry into and acceptance within social and legal systems ( Shelton et al., 2019 ).

The National Association of Social Workers released a position statement denouncing the continued inclusion of gender identity related diagnoses in the DSM-5, stating that diagnoses such as gender dysphoria should be approached from a medical model rather than a mental health model. Because of the authority that the DSM holds in social work and related professions, the inclusion of gender dysphoria perpetuates the notion that the variability of gender is a psychiatric condition, reinforcing cisnormativity and the binary gender system. Advocacy organizations argue that until gender related diagnoses are removed from the DSM, transgender and gender-expansive people will continue to suffer from stigma, discrimination, and the invalidation of their identities and experiences.

Social workers may find themselves in a gatekeeping role when working with individuals whose gender identity and/or gender expression expand beyond binary classifications or stretch the boundaries of what is typically considered appropriate gendered behavior based on an individual’s sex assignment. For instance, according to the Standards of Care put forth by the World Professional Association for Transgender Health ( WPATH, 2012 ), in order to access gender-affirming care (such as hormone treatment or surgery), an individual must obtain a letter of recommendation from a qualified mental health professional diagnosing their persistent gender dysphoria and indicating their readiness for care ( Coleman et al, 2022 ). Thus, the notion that individuals whose gender identities expand beyond the binary cisgender norm are not only pathologized but also viewed as incapable of owning their own bodily expertise. The same requirements are not expected from cisgender individuals seeking body altering surgeries, such as breast augmentation, hair implants, or facelifts.

Notably, not every nonbinary, gender-expansive, or transgender individual desires gender-affirming medical procedures. There is no single way to be nonbinary, gender expansive, or transgender, just as there is no single way to be a girl, woman, boy, or man. Each individual person experiences and expresses their gender in their own unique way.

Social Work and Gender Equity

Social workers are charged with confronting injustice; social justice is a core value of the profession. In recognition of the social worker’s responsibility to work toward social justice, the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) (2015 ) generated accreditation standards requiring social workers to understand diversity and difference in the context of privilege, power, oppression, and marginalization to eliminate biases (Competency 2). Because gender identity and gender expression are included as dimensions of diversity that professionals must understand and value, social workers have an ethical commitment to advance gender equity in all professional practice, education, and research activities. The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) Code of Ethics ( 2017 / 1996 ) includes gender identity and gender expression as specific categories to include when confronting discrimination. The Code of Ethics ( 2017 / 1996 , p. 21) states that “social workers should not practice, condone, facilitate, or collaborate with any form of discrimination on the basis of ... sexual orientation, gender identity or expression.”

In order to meet CSWE’s Competency 2—that social workers must understand diversity and difference in the context of privilege, power, oppression, and marginalization to eliminate biases—it is important that the profession broadens its analysis from individual and interpersonal acts of discrimination to include social systems and institutions that permit individual and interpersonal acts of discrimination. In other words, the role of structural discrimination in the oppression of people based on their gender identity and/or gender expression must be addressed. Structural discrimination can be understood as “the policies of dominant race/ethnic/gender institutions and the behavior of the individuals who implement these policies and control these institutions, which are race/ethnic/gender neutral in intent but which have a differential and/or harmful effect on minority race/ethnic/gender groups” ( Pincus, 1996 , p. 186).

To engage from within a structural framework would require social workers to address the structural conditions that marginalize people on the basis of their gender identity and/or gender expression. For example, rather than working with people to cope with the gender identity and expression based marginalization they face, social workers would also address the systems and structures that produce and reinforce marginalization. This may include challenging policies and practices within institutions of social work practice and education that rely on a binary classification of gender as a way to organize and categorize people. It may include insisting that all gender restrooms are accessible to all clients in one’s agency, or becoming involved in advocacy efforts aimed at removing gender identity based diagnoses from the DSM.

Social workers can begin to move beyond the gender binary by taking an inventory of the policies and practices within their organizations, critically examining the ways in which they may be inadvertently marginalizing clients and communities based on gender identity and gender expression. By centering transgender and nonbinary people in their examinations of policy and practice, social workers can intentionally assess their inclusion of and impact on transgender, nonbinary, and gender-expansive people. Because societal systems and services were built on the premise of binary sex and gender, they are rooted in the presumption that every individual who comes into contact with them can be categorized within these binary constructions. Public restrooms provide a concrete example. Social norms around restroom use necessitate that males and females are separated in different rooms, even with the physical separation of locked and partitioned stalls. In instances when public restrooms are single occupancy, they are most often still labeled male and female. The rationale for this separation is often safety and privacy. As Davis (2014 , p. 53) asserts, “If privacy and safety are the main reasons for sex-segregated restrooms, then might alternative physical designs such as floor-to-ceiling stall partitions do an even better job of meeting that goal than the current design of most American public restrooms?”

With regard to social work education, Shelton and Dodd (2020 ) outline key strategies for challenging cisnormativity and moving beyond the gender binary, including:

Use all gender pronouns (they and them) when speaking and writing rather than only including she and he or his and hers, an example of binarizing ( Blumer et al., 2013 ).

Examine and review course syllabi for implicit cisnormativity. Include your name and pronouns, ensure gender identity and expression are a part of classroom nondiscrimination standards, avoid binarizing language, and identify any all-gender restrooms available in the building.

Examine and review content on course syllabi. Ensure readings by and about transgender people are included. Transgender topics and authors should appear in a unit on gender identity. When planning a session about parenting, for instance, include a reading about transgender, gender-expansive, genderqueer, or nonbinary parents.

Be intentional when planning classroom introductions. Some students may not use the names indicated on your class roster or on school records. Plan introductions in such a way that enables students to introduce themselves first (before reading names from the provided class roster).

Model the sharing of pronouns and give students the option to include their pronouns when introducing themselves. For example, you could say, “Please share your name and your pronouns if you would like to do so.”

When utilizing case examples in the classroom, make sure transgender people are included/represented.

When including transgender people in case examples, make sure they are included in a way that does not perpetuate negative stereotypes and misinformation. For instance, a case example including a transgender person does not need to be focused solely on gender dysphoria and does not need to be related to their transgender identity.

Engage students in nuanced discussions about the history of the pathologization of gender and sexual minorities and the role of social work in this history.

Social work researchers can concretely work toward gender equity throughout the research process, helping to ensure all gender identities and gender expressions are acknowledged as valid. From the design of demographic questions to the reporting of results, researchers can intentionally include participants with a range of gender identities and expressions. Demographic questions can include additional options for sex and gender beyond the binary categorizations of female/male, woman/man, or girl/boy. When analyzing quantitative data, researchers can opt out of collapsing sex and/or gender into a dichotomous variable. Though this may make the process of analysis less simple, making these variables dichotomous erases the lived experiences of participants. When reporting results, researchers can include the experiences of participants across a range of gender identities and gender expressions. In reporting only statistically significant findings, critical data about frequently marginalized and underrepresented populations is lost. Recruitment strategies should include specific outreach to individuals and communities of diverse gender identities and gender expressions. This will require community engaged research and a willingness to extend recruitment timelines to ensure adequate representation. A 2021 study from the Williams Institute reported that 1.2 million adults in the United States are nonbinary ( Wilson & Meyer, 2021 ). Expanding beyond binary conceptualizations of gender within social work research is imperative in order to address the health and well-being of nonbinary individuals and communities.

In summary, gender identity and gender expression are dimensions of identity that are relevant to and impact all people. Thus, it is important for social workers to understand the ways in which gender identity and gender expression impact the individuals and communities with whom they work, as well as the ways that systems and institutions may perpetuate bias and marginalization based on gender identity and gender expression. Although the profession of social work has a fraught history with regard to policing and pathologizing individuals whose gender identities and expressions exist outside of or in between the gender binary, contemporary practice charges social workers with confronting injustice, including dimensions of diversity such as gender identity and gender expression.

Further Reading

• Bilodeau, B. , & Renn, K. (2005). Analysis of LGBT identity development models and implications for practice. New Directions for Student Services , 111 , 25–39.
• Burdge, B. (2007). Bending gender, ending gender: Theoretical foundations for social work practice with the transgender community. Social Work , 52 (3), 243–250.
• Butler, J. (2004). Undoing gender . Routledge.
• James, S. E. , Herman, J. L. , Rankin, S. , Keisling, M. , Mottet, L. , & Anafi, M. (2016). The report of the 2015 U.S. transgender survey . National Center for Transgender Equality.
• Kroehle, K. , Shelton, J. , Clark, E. , & Seelman, K. (2020). Mainstreaming dissidence: Confronting binary gender in social work’s grand challenges. Social Work , 65 (4), 368–377.
• Sanger, T. (2008). Queer(y)ing gender and sexuality: Transgender people’s lived experiences and intimate partnerships. In L. Moon (Ed.), Feeling queer or queer feelings? Radical approaches to counselling sex, sexualities and genders (pp. 72–88). Routledge.
• Action Canada for Sexual Health and Rights . (n.d.). Gender galaxy .
• Ansara, Y. , & Hegarty, P. (2012). Cisgenderism in psychology: Pathologising and misgendering children from 1999 to 2008. Psychology & Sexuality , 3 (2), 137–160.
• Blumer, M. L. C. , Ansara, Y. G. , & Watson, C. M. (2013). Cisgenderism in family therapy: How everyday clinical practices can delegitimize people’s gender self-designations. Special Section: Essays in Family Therapy. Journal of Family Psychotherapy , 24 (4), 267–285.
• Bowles, D. D. , & Hopps, J. G. (2014). The profession’s role in meeting its historical mission to serve vulnerable populations. Advances in Social Work , 15 (1), 1–20.
• Council on Social Work Education . (2015). Educational policy and accreditation standards .
• Coleman, E. , Radix, A. E. , Bouman, W. P. , Brown, G. R. , de Vries, A. L. C. , Deutsch, M. B. , Ettner, R. , Fraser, L. , Goodman, M. , Green, J. , Hancock, A. B. , Johnson, T. W. , Karasic, D. H. , Knudson, G. A. , Leibowitz, S. F. , Meyer-Bahlburg, H. F. L. , Monstrey, S. J. , Motmans, J. , Nahata, L. , Nieder, T. O. , … Arcelus, J. (2022). Standards of Care for the Health of Transgender and Gender Diverse People, Version 8 . International journal of transgender health, 23(Suppl 1), S1–S259.
• Davis, H. (2014). Sex-classification policies as transgender discrimination: An intersectional critique. Perspectives on Politics , 12 (1), 45–60.
• Drescher, J. (2009). Queer diagnoses: Parallels and contrasts in the history of homosexuality, gender variance, and the diagnostic and statistical manual. Archives of Sexual Behavior , 39 , 427–460.
• Fausto-Sterling, A. (2018, October 15). Why sex is not binary. The New York Times .
• Grady, D. (2018, October 2). Anatomy does not determine gender, experts say . The New York Times , 10A.
• National Association of Social Workers . (2017). The NASW code of ethics (Rev. ed.). (Original work published 1996)
• Olson, K. R. , Key, A. C. , & Eaton, N. R. (2015). Gender cognition in transgender children. Psychological Science , 26 (4), 467–474.
• Pincus, F. (1996). Discrimination comes in many forms: Individual, institutional, and structural. The American Behavioral Scientist , 40 (2), 186–194.
• Shelton, J. , & Dodd, S. J. (2020). Beyond the binary: Addressing cisnormativity in the social work classroom. Journal of Social Work Education , 56 (1), 179–185.
• Shelton, J. , Kroehle, K. , & Andia, M. (2019). The trans person is not the problem: Brave spaces and structural competence as educative tools for trans justice in social work. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare , 46 (4), 97–123.
• World Professional Association for Transgender Health . (2012). Standards of Care for the Health of Transsexual, Transgender, and Gender Nonconforming People [7 th Version].
• Wilson, B. D. M. , & Meyer, I. (2021). Nonbinary LGBTQ adults in the United States . The Williams Institute.

Related Articles

• Disparities and Inequalities: Overview
• Social Justice
• Transgender People
• Discrimination

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Gender Matters

• Exploring gender and gender identity

However, it often appears that gender in its truest sense is absent from our social relations, because the way in which most people perceive gender tends to be internalised so deeply that it appears ‘normal’ and natural .

Understanding how we live together means being able to question the things we take for granted in our everyday lives. This includes a key part of our identity: our gender.

This website is a resource for working with others , but it is also a resource that underlines the need constantly to work with oneself . It could even be said that one is not really possible without the other .

In some ways, the reasoning behind this can be expressed easily: each of us is a person with our own subjectivity and experience of living with others in society – so everyone is personally involved in discussions of gender . It is easy to test this out: most people have had experiences where someone’s appearance does not immediately signal ‘male’ or ‘female’.

Perhaps fewer people then go on to ask themselves what this indicates about gender, or about how they perceive gender stereotypes. In fact, on a daily basis, it is common for people to organise their perceptions according to gendered assumptions that have never been questioned.  

The concept of ‘gender awareness’ reminds us that we all need to be aware of issues such as the following:

• We are likely to see ourselves within such categories as male/female or man/woman, but these categories do not in fact do justice to the complexity of gender and sexual identities ;
• We consciously and unconsciously express our gendered selves in numerous ways, including in our relations with others;
• We interpret and evaluate other people’s gender and this affects the ways that we interact with them ;
• We use images, associations, assumptions and normative standards to interpret the gender(s) and sexualities of others, and are often unaware of the way this happens or how these influences originate;
• Gender is of key importance in defining the power, privilege and possibilities that some people have and some people do not have in a given society. It affects progress towards equality and freedom from discrimination.

Gender awareness is necessary as an end goal for everyone, but deliberate work on this issue is particularly important for youth workers and young people who want to address issues of gender and violence with their peers. Gender awareness is necessary because no one is ever completely able to ‘step outside’ of the social and cultural processes that partly shape our identities , values and perceptions , but we can still develop ways of reflecting and ways of interrogating ourselves, and this is very important for group work and group interaction. Gender awareness should also be seen as a process , because our ways of thinking about ourselves and others as gendered, sexual beings shift over time and in different contexts.

Sex and gender

Facilitating discussion

Gender mainstreaming

• What is gender-based violence?
• What causes gender-based violence?
• Types of gender-based violence
• Gender-based violence and human rights
• Youth work and youth policy responses

Chapter 1: Gender identity, gender-based violence and human rights

Gender Matters, a manual on addressing gender-based violence affecting young people

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Dr. Jack Turban's New Book Confronts Misinformation on Gender Identity and Young People

Dr. Jack Turban’s New Book Confronts Misinformation on Gender Identity and Young People

The Trevor Project spoke to Jack Turban, MD, MHS about his book, “Free to Be: Understanding Kids & Gender Identity.” Turban is a Harvard, Yale, and Stanford-trained child and adolescent psychiatrist and founding director of the Gender Psychiatry Program at the University of California, San Francisco (UCSF). He is an internationally recognized researcher and clinician whose expertise and research on the mental health of transgender youth have been cited in legislative debates and major federal court cases regarding the civil rights of transgender people in the United States. 

What do you hope readers will learn from your new book?

Misinformation about gender identity, and trans youth in particular, has been spreading like wildfire. People are understandably confused about what gender identity is, where it comes from, how gender-affirming care works, and what science and data are relevant to our political debates around trans kids (conversion therapy bans, bathroom bills, bans on gender-affirming medical care, sports bans, and more). I’ve poured everything I’ve learned over the past decade into this book and hope it will help people better understand these topics from an evidence-based perspective. I also hope the stories of real-life kids will open your eyes to the experiences of trans young people and why it’s so important to educate everyone about their lives.

What do you want parents and guardians to know about supporting transgender and nonbinary young people?

Research shows that the greatest predictor of good mental health outcomes for transgender children is having a loving, supportive, and accepting family. Parents almost universally want what is best for their kids, but gender identity can be an emotional and difficult topic. Having a private space to work through your thoughts as a parent is essential, so that you can feel ready to have complex conversations with your kids. I hope this book will help parents go into these conversations more prepared and more supported.

Why do you think transgender and nonbinary youth have become increasingly politicized?

Gender is really hard to talk about, and that has negatively impacted most of us in some way. Maybe you did something “gender nonconforming” as a child like playing with dolls and got bullied. Maybe as a woman you’ve experienced misogyny throughout your professional life. To make matters worse, politicians are throwing around scary phrases like “gender ideology” and “genital mutilation.” Free to Be is designed to bring down the emotionally charged rhetoric and let you gradually wade into the complexity of gender, as I support you through the journey.

Can you share a message to the transgender and nonbinary young people who might be reading this?

The media right now (especially social media!) is rife with anti-trans comments. As a trans person, it can sometimes feel like everyone is against you. But please know that there are tons of us out here who are on your team. This wave of anti-trans political rhetoric will eventually pass. In the meantime, remember that the negative things said about trans people aren’t true, and most of the people saying anti-trans things don’t actually know any trans people to have an informed understanding of what your life is like. Keep in mind the many amazing trans people who are making huge contributions to society: Chase Strangio (lawyer at the ACLU), Rachel Levine (physician at the Department of Health and Human Services), Angelica Ross (actress and tech entrepreneur), and Nicole Maines (the first literal trans superhero on television). The trans community is vibrant and something to be proud of.

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Gender Identity & Sexual Orientation Essay

This essay will delve into the complexities of gender identity and sexual orientation. It will examine the spectrum of identities and orientations, societal perceptions, and the importance of understanding and acceptance in modern society. PapersOwl showcases more free essays that are examples of Gender.

How it works

Gender identity is how someone feels inside, which could be expressed in many ways, for example, by clothing, appearance, and behavior. There are a few gender identities other than the common two, female and male. When it comes to both terms, people tend to confuse the two, and although they may seem similar, it is two completely different things like being a masculine female or a feminine male, transgender and gender fluid. Some may not feel female or male and feel like they don’t identify themselves as any gender.

Usually, around 2 to 3, people start to feel like their gender isn’t the same as the one they were born with very early in life[1].

Sexual orientation is what people are attracted to and want to have a relationship with romantically, emotionally, and sexually. While many people only grew up knowing and learning at least three sexualities, many identities go under sexual orientation. For example, the three that are commonly known or heard more often are heterosexual, meaning being attracted towards a different gender, male or female. The few that aren’t often heard of or spoken about are being pansexual, which is when someone is attracted to everyone regardless of their sex or gender. When someone doesn’t feel any attraction towards anybody, they may find people physically attractive but don’t desire to do anything sexually. But some don’t like having a label or think that none of the sexualities mentioned describes who they are. It all just depends on who the person is– Sexual Orientation).

There has been research that when it comes to someone’s sexual orientation, it isn’t something a person chooses, and it’s said that it starts before birth. Although some may know what their sexual orientation is at a very young age before puberty even hits, it can change throughout their life, or it can take years for someone to know or be comfortable with their orientation finally. The saying that you can turn or change someone in a specific direction by treatment, therapy, or persuading them is false. It isn’t a phase, either. Research and scientists have believed that when it comes to someone being ‘straight’ or ‘gay’ and if it was placed on a scale of being ‘straight’ on one end and being ‘gay’ on the other end, many people would be somewhere in the middle of both. Research has found that 11% of adults acknowledge that they have been attracted to the same sex, 8.2% have at least been involved in same-sex behavior, and only 3.5% have identified themselves as gay, lesbian, and or bisexual[2].

Research was done about people’s health regarding their sexual orientation and gender identity. Researchers have concluded (that was made by collecting data) that gay and bisexual men have a higher chance of going through depression and being suicidal. Lesbians and bisexual women have the same rate as heterosexual women of getting cervical cancer. Bisexual men and women have a higher possibility of having mental health issues and smoking habits. Transgender people, mostly women of color have the most number of them becoming victims of hate violence. Transgender men and women have a higher rate of attempting suicide[3]. There are many reasons why LGBTQ people have experienced health disparities, from the stress of trying to hide or cope with their sexual orientation and gender identity to internalized homophobia, which can cause health issues.

A survey was done with 301 people asking them to answer questions that asked about their sexual orientation and gender. Out of those 301, only 47 were transgender. About nine people did not complete the study. 55% identified themselves as ‘straight’ or ‘heterosexual,’ and only 25% said they were ‘gay,’ ‘lesbian,’ or ‘homosexual.’ The survey was done to know if people would be open about their gender and orientation. To see if it’s important to ask certain questions, about 3 in 4 answered that it was important for forms to contain questions about their gender and sexual orientation[4].

Many people are constantly placed in particular groups when they are young. Based on someone’s gender, they should be and act a certain way, and someone’s orientation should only be a specific one. Like specific colors and clothing only belong to a certain female or male, and people’s behavior automatically shows their orientation. But recently when it comes to someone’s gender identity and sexual orientation, it’s seemed to have changed throughout the years. More people are being open about what they identify as and who they are as a person. I think that whether people agree with it or not, a person can identify themselves as more than just the two common genders, and a person can have a different orientation than what the majority of other people are. I also think nobody can have a say on what a person should be, and more people should start being more open-minded. Even when it comes to someone’s health I think that society needs to consider that they are people too, just like everyone else, no matter what they identify as. Someone knowing their gender identity and sexual orientation can be crucial in who they are and help them understand a little more about themselves.

Bibliography

• Do Tell: High Levels of Acceptability by Patients of Routine Collection of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Data in Four Diverse American Community Health Centers. Retrieved from https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0107104
• Parenthood, P. (n.d.). What causes sexual orientation? Retrieved from https://www.plannedparenthood.org/learn/sexual-orientation-gender/sexual-orientation/what-causes-sexual-orientation

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New book ‘Free To Be’ dives into medical science of gender identity for young people

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According to the Human Rights Campaign, half of the U.S. states have passed measures restricting treatment for young people with gender dysphoria. But the legislative debate has often been short on science and medicine. Dr. Jack Turban joins John Yang to discuss his new book, “Free To Be,” which takes a researched-based approach to explaining gender identity and treatments for transgender youth.

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5. Gender identity, sexual orientation and the 2024 election

Table of contents.

• Voters’ views about race and society, the impact of the legacy of slavery
• Most voters, but not all, view the nation’s diversity as a strength
• How should the country handle undocumented immigrants currently in the U.S.?
• Attitudes toward hearing other languages in public places
• Biden and Trump supporters’ views about discussing America’s historical successes, failures
• How does the U.S. compare with other countries?
• Views of women’s progress
• How much of a priority should marriage and children be?
• Abortion, IVF access and birth control
• Views of gender identity
• Voters’ attitudes toward use of gender-neutral pronouns
• Societal impact of more social acceptance of lesbian, gay, bisexual people
• Religion and government policy
• How much influence should the Bible have on the nation’s laws, if any?
• Views on the federal government’s role in promoting Christian values
• Most voters say it is not necessary to believe in God to be moral
• Is the justice system too tough on criminals, or not tough enough?
• Policing and law enforcement
• How Trump, Biden supporters view gun rights and ownership
• Views on the increasing number of guns in the U.S.
• Acknowledgments
• The American Trends Panel survey methodology

Voters who support Joe Biden and Donald Trump have wide differences across a broad range of issues related to gender identity and sexual orientation.

Trump supporters overwhelmingly say a person’s gender is determined by the sex they were assigned at birth. A majority of Biden supporters, by a less one-sided margin, say someone can be a man or woman even if that is different from their sex at birth.

Biden’s supporters also are far more comfortable than Trump supporters with people using the pronouns “they” or “them” to describe themselves.

And two decades after the first same-sex marriages were legally performed in the U.S., Biden supporters are roughly five times as likely as Trump supporters to say legalizing same-sex marriage has been good for society.

Nearly two-thirds of registered voters (65%) say whether a person is a man or woman is determined by the sex assigned to them at birth. About a third (34%) say whether someone is a man or woman can be different from the sex at birth.

Nine-in-ten Trump supporters and about four-in-ten Biden supporters (39%) say sex at birth determines if someone is a man or a woman.

About six-in-ten Biden supporters (59%) say a person’s gender can be different from their sex at birth. Only about one-in-ten Trump supporters (9%) say this.

There are wider demographic differences in opinions about gender identity among Biden supporters than among Trump supporters.

Among Biden supporters

Nearly two-thirds of Black voters who support Biden (64%) say gender is determined by a person’s sex assigned at birth. That compares with 46% of Biden’s Hispanic supporters and smaller shares of his White (32%) and Asian supporters (27%).

Biden supporters without college degrees (47%) are more likely than those with college degrees or more education (30%) to say sex at birth determines someone’s gender.

Biden supporters under age 35 (29%) are less likely than older Biden supporters to say gender is determined by sex assigned at birth.

Among Trump supporters

Across demographic groups, wide majorities of Trump supporters say gender is determined by sex at birth.

However, there are some differences among these voters. Hispanic Trump supporters (79%) are less likely than White Trump supporters (92%) to say sex birth determines gender identity, and Trump supporters ages 18 to 34 (83%) are less likely to say this than older Trump supporters.

Changing views about gender identity

The share of voters who say that sex at birth determines whether someone is a man or a woman has increased since 2017, and this increase has occurred within both parties.

In 2017, 53% of voters said sex assigned at birth determines gender; 65% express this view today.

The share of Republican and Republican-leaning voters who say that sex at birth determines gender identity has grown from 79% in 2017 to 91% now.

In the same period, the share of Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters who say this has increased, from 30% to 39%.

Over half of voters (56%) say they are not comfortable with someone using the pronouns “they” or “them” to describe themselves, rather than “he” or “she.” Roughly four-in-ten (43%) are comfortable with the use of these pronouns.

Biden supporters are more than three times as likely as Trump supporters to say they are comfortable with the use of “they/them” pronouns (66% to 20%).

• Black voters who support Biden (55%) are less comfortable with the use of they/them pronouns than Biden’s White (69%), Hispanic (68%) and Asian (72%) backers.
• Hispanic Trump supporters (33%) are somewhat more likely than the former president’s White supporters (16%) to say they are comfortable.

Voters under 50 are more comfortable than those 50 and older with people using gender-neutral pronouns. There is an age gap on this question among both candidates’ supporters, but it is particularly stark among Biden voters: 79% of Biden’s supporters ages 18 to 49 say they are comfortable, compared with 56% of his supporters who are 50 and older.

Voters are divided over the societal effects of more people being comfortable with identifying as gay, lesbian or bisexual and same-sex marriages being legal in the U.S.

Roughly a third say each trend has been very or somewhat good for society, while about as many say the changes have been bad for society. The remainder say they have been neither good nor bad.

As with opinions about gender identity, there are sizable differences between Biden and Trump supporters.

About half of Biden supporters (51%) say more people being comfortable identifying as gay, lesbian or bisexual is good for society. And a majority of Biden supporters (57%) say legalization of same-sex marriage is good for society.

About half of Trump supporters say both changes are bad for society: 53% say this about increased comfort with people identifying as lesbian, gay or bisexual, and 51% say this about legalization of same-sex marriage.

There are age differences among both candidates’ supporters.

• Majorities of Biden supporters ages 18 to 49 view both trends positively: 63% say more people being comfortable identifying as lesbian, gay or bisexual is good for society, while 67% say the same of the legalization of same-sex marriage. About half or fewer of Biden supporters 50 and older share these views. (This group is more likely to instead say that these trends are neither good nor bad.)
• Older Trump supporters are more likely than his younger supporters to have a negative view of the impact of legalizing same-sex marriage (57% of those 50 and older say it is bad for society, compared with 41% of those younger than 50). There are no meaningful age differences in how Trump supporters assess the impact of more people being comfortable with identifying as lesbian, gay or bisexual.
• Black voters who support Biden are far less likely than Biden’s supporters in other racial and ethnic groups to say increased comfort with identifying as lesbian, gay or bisexual and legalized same-sex marriage are good for society. About a quarter of Black Biden supporters say these things are good, compared with about half or more among his White, Hispanic and Asian backers.

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Americans have mixed views about how the news media cover biden’s, trump’s ages, an early look at black voters’ views on biden, trump and election 2024, voters’ views of trump and biden differ sharply by religion, in tight presidential race, voters are broadly critical of both biden and trump, most popular, report materials.

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gender identity

Definition of gender identity

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These examples are programmatically compiled from various online sources to illustrate current usage of the word 'gender identity.' Any opinions expressed in the examples do not represent those of Merriam-Webster or its editors. Send us feedback about these examples.

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1964, in the meaning defined above

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“Gender identity.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary , Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/gender%20identity. Accessed 11 Jun. 2024.

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A.G. File No. 2023-020

Pursuant to Elections Code Section 9005, we have reviewed the proposed measure (A.G. File No. 23-0020, Amendment #1) related to certain gender-affirming medical procedures for individuals under the age of 18 years.

Some Children Are Transgender. Sex generally refers to a person being biologically male, female, or intersex. The attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given culture associates with these biological designations are generally known as gender. Gender identity generally refers to an individual’s internal sense of being male, female, or something else. For example, transgender individuals have gender identities that differ from the sex assigned to them at birth.

Transgender Children Are a Small Share of California’s Population. Data on transgender individuals are limited. That said, research suggests that transgender individuals comprise a small share of children. For example, one recent study by the Williams Institute at the University of California, Los Angeles estimates that nearly 50,000 individuals (around 2 percent) of individuals between the age of 13 to 17 years identify as transgender in California.

Some Transgender Children Receive Health Care Services to Affirm Their Gender Identity. Some transgender individuals experience distress from having a gender identity that is different from their sex assigned to them at birth. Transgender individuals experiencing distress can receive certain health care services, including mental health services and medical treatments. These treatments can be a part of what is referred to as “gender affirming care.” Medical treatments can include prescription drugs to postpone the development of puberty (known as “puberty blockers”), hormone therapies, and surgeries. For transgender children, decisions around which treatment to provide and when to provide the treatment are made jointly by the physician and parent of the child, generally following professionally recognized standards.

California Law Protects Access to Gender-Affirming Care. A number of laws in California protect access to gender-affirming care for transgender individuals. For example, California law prohibits health insurance plans from discriminating against transgender patients, including by denying patients access to gender-affirming treatments when the treatments are medically necessary.

California Helps Pay for Health Care for Many Individuals, Including Gender Affirming Care. State and local governments help certain Californians pay for health care through a number of different programs. For example, Medicaid, known as “Medi-Cal” in California, provides health coverage to eligible low-income California residents. It is funded from a mix of federal, state, and local funds. Health care services covered by Medi-Cal include gender affirming care for transgender individuals, generally when considered to be medically necessary.

California Licenses Health Care Providers. California law requires health insurance plans, health care providers, and health care facilities to be licensed to provide health care services. Several departments are responsible for licensing health care entities in California. For example, the Department of Consumer Affairs includes numerous licensing boards that license health care providers, such as physicians, nurses, and pharmacists, among others. These departments and boards generally cover the cost to license providers and investigate complaints by charging affected providers fees and fines.

Prohibits Providing Certain Medical Treatments That Affirm a Different Gender Than Biological Sex for Youth. The measure would prohibit health care providers (such as a physician or a nurse) from providing patients under the age of 18 certain medical treatments that affirm a gender identity different than the patient’s biological sex. The initiative specifically would prohibit prescribing or administering puberty blockers, hormones or hormone antagonists, and surgery or medical procedures. The measure defines biological sex as either male or female, based on specified physiological and genetic attributes.

Excludes Three Kinds of Services From Prohibitions. The measure would exclude from these prohibitions the following: (1) services medically necessary to treat a minor born with a medically verifiable genetic disorder of sexual development; (2) services to return a child who previously received gender-affirming procedures back to his or her biological sex; and (3) services to children who began gender-affirming procedures prior to when the measure becomes law or January 1, 2025, whichever is earlier.

Enacts Consequences to Providers for Providing Services. Except for the exclusions described in the previous paragraph, providing a prohibited medical service under the measure would be considered unprofessional conduct and subject to discipline and a hearing process by the provider’s licensing entity. The measure specifies that such discipline would include revoking of the health care provider’s license or certification.

Fiscal Effect

Impact Depends on Court Rulings Related to Gender-Affirming Health Care. In recent years, several states have enacted prohibitions on health care providers from providing certain gender-affirming medical treatments, including treatments that would be prohibited under this measure. Many of these laws are being litigated in the federal court system to determine whether they conflict with the United States Constitution. At the time of this analysis, the courts have allowed bans in some states to take effect, while bans in other states have not been allowed to go into effect. If a court were to rule this measure could not go into effect, it would have no fiscal effect. Alternatively, were the measure to withstand legal challenges, there would be fiscal effects, described below.

If Measure Becomes Law, Possible Minor Savings From No Longer Covering Prohibited Treatments… Were the measure to become law, state and local government health programs that pay for gender-affirming puberty blockers, hormone therapies, and surgeries for youth could no longer do so. Although comprehensive data on state and local government spending for these services is not available, it could be as much as in the millions of dollars annually. This represents a very small share of overall state and local spending, with the state General Fund providing $37.5 billion to Medi-Cal in 2023-24, for example.

…Could Be Impacted by Other Long-Term Effects. The savings from no longer paying for health care services could be increased, reduced, or even offset by other health-related impacts. For example, some Medi-Cal enrollees under the age of 18 who otherwise would have received prohibited services may choose to receive some of these services when they are adults. In these cases, some of the spending associated with prohibited services would still occur, but at a later time for the individual. In other cases, individuals who are eligible for Medi-Cal as children may earn too much income to qualify for Medi-Cal as adults or forgo these services altogether. These effects are difficult to project. Also adding to the fiscal uncertainty, the long-term effects on mental and physical health of providing gender-affirming care to transgender youth are actively being studied. Depending on these long-term impacts, prohibiting certain gender-affirming medical treatments on individuals under the age of 18 could affect the use of health care services, with corresponding fiscal impacts

Potential, but Unknown, Cost Pressure Related to Federal Anti-Discrimination Laws. Federal law prohibits health care providers that receive federal funding for health programs (such as Medicaid) from discriminating against patients on the basis of race, sex, and other factors. Federal courts currently are assessing whether these nondiscrimination provisions extend to gender identity and the provision of gender-affirming care. Depending on the decisions in these court cases and any resulting federal actions, California providers could face a number of potential consequences, including revoked federal funding. Such actions also could place pressure on state and local governments to backfill lost federal funding. Whether action is taken and the magnitude of such action is unknown, but the impact could be significant.

Summary of Fiscal Effects. We estimate the measure would have the following fiscal effects:

• To the extent the measure can be legally implemented, potentially relatively minor savings up to the millions of dollars annually from no longer paying for prohibited services for individuals under the age of 18. These savings could be affected by many other impacts, such as individuals seeking treatment later in life.
• Potential, but unknown, cost pressure to state and local governments related to federal fiscal penalties if the measure results in providers being deemed out of compliance with federal law.

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Essay

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Cultural factors play an important role in a person’s sexual orientation and gender identity, yet such influences may have a negative effect. For instance, many people tend to classify others as either female or male depending on their birth gender and treat them accordingly throughout their lives (Spielman et al., 2020). However, the cases such as that of David Reimer demonstrate that an individual’s gender identity and sexual orientation are more complicated than traditional binary views. David Reimer was an intersex person who was born as a boy, but his testicles were removed soon after he was born due to health problems (Spielman et al., 2020). The parents tried to raise the baby as a girl, yet it was difficult for the child to identify as a female (Spielman et al., 2020). Eventually, David realized that he was a male and wished to continue living as one (Spielman et al., 2020). Consequently, David Reimer’s story suggests that such cultural factors as how gender is perceived and treated in a community cannot define an individual’s identity but can rather force them to hide who they are.

Furthermore, a person who is intersexed has to deal with several cultural and emotional issues. First, despite many people being intersexed, they are quite frequently neglected by society or discriminated against when noticed (TEDx Talks, 2019). For example, intersex babies are likely to be operated on without consent and with no medical need because of cultures that recognize individuals only as male or female (TEDx Talks, 2019). Second, intersex individuals are typically told to keep their identity secret, which may cause them to feel ashamed of who they are (TEDx Talks, 2019). Moreover, society often reinforces a certain gender on intersex people to accept a personality that does not correspond with theirs (TEDx Talks, 2019). Accordingly, a person who is intersexed is usually put in a box of cultural prejudices, which cause negative emotions.

Spielman, R. M., Jenkins, W. J., & Lovett, M. D. (2020). Psychology . OpenStax.

TEDx Talks. (2019). A different kind of superpower: what it means to be intersex [Video]. YouTube. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2023, December 5). Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-orientation-and-gender-identity/

"Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity." IvyPanda , 5 Dec. 2023, ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-orientation-and-gender-identity/.

IvyPanda . (2023) 'Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity'. 5 December.

IvyPanda . 2023. "Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity." December 5, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-orientation-and-gender-identity/.

1. IvyPanda . "Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity." December 5, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-orientation-and-gender-identity/.

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IvyPanda . "Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity." December 5, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-orientation-and-gender-identity/.