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Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

Students are often asked to write an essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

Introduction.

These days, exposure to television and the internet is a common part of our lives. They are powerful tools that provide information and entertainment.

Television Exposure

Television is a source of learning and amusement. It offers a variety of shows, from educational programs to cartoons, which can influence a child’s thoughts and behavior.

Internet Exposure

The internet is a vast resource. It’s used for research, communication, and entertainment. However, it also has potential risks like cyberbullying and exposure to inappropriate content.

While television and internet hold immense potential, it’s important to use them responsibly. Parents and teachers should guide children in their usage.

250 Words Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

The digital age: television and internet exposure.

In the contemporary world, exposure to television and the internet has become a ubiquitous aspect of daily life. This phenomenon, driven by constant technological advancements, has profound implications on individuals and societies.

Television: A Double-Edged Sword

Television, once the primary source of information and entertainment, has evolved significantly. While it offers educational content and a window into global cultures, excessive exposure can lead to sedentary lifestyles and passive consumption of information. It’s crucial to strike a balance between beneficial and detrimental use.

Internet: A Web of Possibilities

The internet, on the other hand, is a vast, interactive platform offering a wealth of information and opportunities for social connection. It empowers users to create, share, and access content. However, it also presents challenges, including misinformation, cyber threats, and the potential for addiction.

Implications for Society

The effects of these technologies on society are multifaceted. They have the potential to foster global connections, democratize information, and stimulate creativity. Conversely, they can also contribute to social isolation, mental health issues, and the spread of false information.

Conclusion: Striking the Balance

In conclusion, the exposure to television and internet is a complex issue requiring careful navigation. It’s crucial to harness the potential of these technologies while remaining vigilant of their risks. As digital citizens, we must strive to use these tools responsibly, promoting their positive aspects and mitigating their negative impacts.

500 Words Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

The evolution of media exposure: television and internet.

In the contemporary digital age, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our daily lives. The evolution of these media platforms has revolutionized the way we consume information, shaping societal norms and individual behaviors.

Television: The Traditional Medium

Television, as a traditional medium, has been a primary source of entertainment and news for decades. It has played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion, promoting cultural values, and spreading awareness about global events. Television’s power lies in its ability to create a shared experience, a collective consciousness that transcends geographical boundaries. However, the advent of the internet has disrupted television’s monopoly, introducing a new dynamic in media consumption.

Internet: The Digital Revolution

The internet has emerged as a game-changer, democratizing access to information and transforming the way we communicate. The digital revolution has brought about a paradigm shift in our media consumption habits. With the internet, information is now available at our fingertips, anytime, anywhere. Unlike television, which offers a one-way communication channel, the internet fosters interactive communication, allowing users to not only consume but also create and share content.

The Confluence of Television and Internet

The convergence of television and the internet has given rise to new content formats and platforms. Streaming services like Netflix, Amazon Prime, and Hulu have revolutionized the way we consume television content, offering a personalized, on-demand viewing experience. This integration has blurred the lines between television and the internet, creating a hybrid media environment.

Implications of Media Exposure

The increased exposure to television and the internet has profound implications. On the positive side, it has enhanced our access to information, promoting global awareness and cultural exchange. It has also democratized content creation, giving voice to marginalized communities and fostering social change.

However, the downside cannot be overlooked. The overexposure to media can lead to information overload, affecting our mental health. The proliferation of fake news and misinformation on the internet poses a threat to societal harmony. Furthermore, the addictive nature of digital media can lead to unhealthy habits and lifestyle changes.

Conclusion: A Balanced Approach

In conclusion, while television and the internet have significantly enriched our lives, it is essential to adopt a balanced approach to media consumption. As informed consumers, we must critically evaluate the information we consume and be mindful of our screen time. The challenge lies in leveraging the benefits of these media platforms while mitigating their potential drawbacks. The future of media consumption will hinge on our ability to navigate this digital landscape responsibly and mindfully.

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These days exposure to television and internet is having bad influence on children.

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IELTS essay These days exposure to television and internet is having bad influence on children.

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Television has a negative influence on kids and should be limited

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  • Volume 83, Issue 4
  • The effects of television on child health: implications and recommendations
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  • Miriam E Bar-on
  • Department of Pediatrics, Loyola University Stritch School of Medicine, 2160 South First Avenue, Maywood, IL 60153, USA
  • Prof. Bar-on email: mbar{at}wpo.it.luc.edu

https://doi.org/10.1136/adc.83.4.289

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The exposure of American children and adolescents to television continues to exceed the time they spend in the classroom: 15 000 hours versus 12 000 hours by the time they graduate. 1 According to recent Nielsen data, the average child and/or adolescent watches an average of nearly three hours of television per day. 2 These numbers have not decreased significantly over the past 10 years. 3 By the time a child finishes high school, almost three years will have been spent watching television. 1 This figure does not include time spent watching video tapes or playing video games. 4

Based on surveys of what children watch, the average child annually sees about 12 000 violent acts, 5 14 000 sexual references and innuendos, 6 and 20 000 advertisements. 7 Children and adolescents are especially vulnerable to the messages communicated through television which influence their perceptions and behaviours. 8 Many younger children cannot discriminate between what they see and what is real. Although there have been studies documenting some prosocial and educational benefits from television viewing, 9 , 10 significant research has shown that there are negative health effects resulting from television exposure in areas such as: violence and aggressive behaviour; sex and sexuality; nutrition and obesity; and substance use and abuse patterns. To help mitigate these negative health effects, paediatricians need to become familiar with the consequences of television and begin providing anticipatory guidance to their patients and families. 10 In addition, paediatricians need to continue their advocacy efforts on behalf of more child appropriate television.

In this review, we will describe the effects of television on children and adolescents. In addition, we will make recommendations for paediatricians and parents to help address this significant issue.

Prosocial and educational benefits

Studies from the early 1970s have shown that children imitate prosocial behaviour. These imitated behaviours included altruism, helping, delay of gratification, and high standards of performance when children are exposed to models exhibiting these behaviours. Friedrich and Stein provided evidence that children learned prosocial content of the television programmes and were able to generalise that learning to a number of real life situations. 9 In addition, they were also able to show that prosocial programmes increased helping behaviour in situations similar to and different from those shown on television.

Violence and aggressive behaviour

Young people view over 1000 rapes, murders, armed robberies, and assaults every year sitting in front of the television set. 11 Recently published, the three year, National Television Violence Study examined nearly 10 000 hours of television programming and found that 61% contained violence. 12-14 Children's programming was found to be the most violent. In addition, 26% (of the 61%) involved the use of guns. Portrayals of violence are usually glamorised and perpetrators often go unpunished. Another venue in which a significant amount of violence is portrayed is in rock music videos, which are viewed heavily by adolescents. In a comprehensive content analysis of these music videos, DuRant et al showed that 22.4% of all rap videos contained violent acts, and weapon carrying was depicted in 25% of them. 15

Numerous studies, including longitudinal research, 16 , 17 have shown a relation between children's exposure to violence and their own violent and aggressive behaviours. Many studies have documented the role of television in fostering violent behaviours among children. 18 , 19 Two recent meta-analyses investigating the relation between violence viewed on television and aggressive behaviour in children concluded that exposure to portrayals of violence on television was associated consistently with children's aggressive behaviours. 20 , 21

Sex and sexuality

American television, both programming and advertising, are highly sexualised in their content. Each year, children and adolescents view 14 000 sexual references, innuendoes, and jokes, of which less than 170 will deal with abstinence, birth control, sexually transmitted diseases, or pregnancy. 22 What has been traditionally described as the “family hour” (8–9 pm) now contains more than eight sexual incidents per hour, more than four times as much as in 1976. 23 Nearly one third of family hour shows contain sexual references, and the incidence of vulgar language has increased greatly. 24 In addition, soap operas, a genre highly viewed by adolescents, show extramarital sex eight times more commonly than sex between spouses. 11 At the present time there have only been four studies examining the relation between early onset of sexual intercourse and television viewing. However, there are numerous studies which illustrate television's powerful influence on teenagers' sexual attitudes, values, and beliefs. 25 , 26 Teens rank the media second only to school sex education programmes as a leading source of information about sex. 26

Nutrition and obesity

Over the past three decades the prevalence of obesity among children and adolescents has increased and fitness has decreased. 27 Television viewing affects both fatness and fitness and multiple studies point to television viewing as one cause of childhood obesity. 28-31 Two primary mechanisms for this relation have been suggested: reduced energy expenditure from displacement of physical activity and increased dietary energy intake, either during viewing or as a result of food advertising.

The association between television viewing and food consumption can be explained, in part, by the frequent references to food or the consumption of food that occurs during both commercials and programmes. 11 Breakfast cereals, snacks, and fast foods are among the most heavily advertised products on television programmes aimed at children, and tend to have higher energy density than other products such as fruits or vegetables which are less frequently advertised. 30 The amount of time spent viewing television directly correlates with the request, purchase, and consumption of foods advertised on television. 11

Furthermore, obesity occurs among televised characters far less frequently than in the general population. Because the characters on television eat or talk about food so frequently, the implicit message may be that it is possible to eat frequently and remain thin. 32 Likewise, the almost exclusive presence of very thin, particularly female, television characters may contribute to the notion that the ideal body type is that of the women and adolescents shown; this may contribute to the culture wide obsession with thinness.

Tobacco and alcohol use and abuse

Increasingly, media messages and images, not necessarily direct advertising, are normalising and glamorising the use of tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drugs. Tobacco manufacturers spend $6 billion per year and alcohol manufacturers $2 billion per year to entice youngsters into consuming their products. Content analysis has found that alcohol, tobacco, or illicit drugs are present in 70% of prime time network dramatic programmes and half of all music videos. 33 The prominence of alcohol in prime time television applies to all characters, including adolescents, where negative characteristics are often applied. However, many adults shown to consume alcohol have positive personality characteristics. 34 Popular movies, frequently shown during the “family hour”, often show the lead or likeable characters using and enjoying tobacco and alcohol products. 35 , 36 In addition to programming, children and adolescents view approximately 20 000 advertisements each year, of which nearly 2000 are for beer and wine. 37 For every public service announcement, adolescents will view 25–50 beer commercials.

Research indicates that the combined 8 billion dollars which the tobacco and alcohol industries use every year to pitch their product to the American public has a significant impact on adolescents' beliefs and attitudes about smoking and drinking and may actually influence their consumption as well. Correlational studies have shown a small but positive relation between advertising exposure and consumption. 38-41 Furthermore, advertising exposure appears to influence initial drinking episodes which in turn contribute to excessive drinking and abuse. 39 The evidence, however, to increased consumption, is strongest regarding cigarette advertising and promotions. 42 , 43 A recent longitudinal study found that an estimated one third of all adolescent smoking could be causally related to tobacco promotional activities. 44

Recommendations for parents and paediatricians

As has been shown, there is a significant amount of literature to support the connection between adverse outcomes and exposure to television. There are ways to help attenuate the effects of television “promotion” of harmful activities and substances. They range from controlling the way children and adolescents view television to more effective office counselling and public health activism. The American Academy of Pediatrics, through its policy statements has taken a leadership role in making recommendations for both parents and paediatricians. 5 , 6 , 45 , 46

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PARENTS

Parents are often not familiar with what their children are viewing on television, nor do they control the television which they watch. 47 In addition, parents generally underestimate the amount of time their children spend viewing television. A recent study found that 32% of 2–7 year olds, 65% of 8–13 year olds, and 65% of 14–18 year olds have television sets in their bedrooms. 3 Furthermore, two 1997 surveys, with a sample size of nearly 1500 parents, found that less than half of them report “always watching” television with their children. 47 Co-viewing is thought to be an effective mechanism for mediating untoward effects of television viewing: an adult, watching a programme with a child and discussing it with him/her, serves simultaneously as a values filter and a media educator. 35 Based on this information, and the data available, the American Academy of Pediatrics 5 , 45 recommends that parents should:

Participate in the selection of programmes to be viewed

Co-view and discuss content with children and adolescents

Teach critical viewing skills to their children and adolescents

Limit and focus time spent viewing television to less than one to two hours per day

Be good media role models for their children and adolescents

Emphasise alternative activities

Remove television sets from children's and adolescents' bedrooms

Avoid using the television as an “electronic babysitter”.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PAEDIATRICIANS

With the known unhealthy effects of media on children and adolescents, it is crucial that paediatricians are aware and become knowledgeable about the media's influence on their patients. 9 Paediatricians need to be able to educate their patients' parents and advocate for improved, healthier media. 5 As part of health supervision visits, paediatricians also need to begin taking a media history and using the media history form developed by the Academy (table 1 ). 45 , 48 This tool enables young people and parents to examine their media habits and allows paediatricians to focus on areas of concern and offer counsel and support. 45 In addition, paediatricians can work with patients to help them understand that what they view on television is not “real” and that the purpose of advertisements is to sell them products. These premises of media education have been implemented in programmes with documented success. 49 , 50 Review of the available literature has enabled the Academy to make the following recommendations for paediatricians 5 , 45 , 47 :

Become educated about the public health risks of television exposure and share this information with their patients, families, and the community

Incorporate questions about television use into routine visits including use of the Academy's media history form

Include anticipatory guidance about television to their patients and their families at health supervision visits

Encourage parents to avoid television viewing for children under the age of 2 years

Serve as role models by using television sets and videocassette recorders in their waiting rooms for educational programming only

Advocate for improved media by writing to local stations, national networks, Hollywood studios, and the Federal Communications Commission

Promote media education as a means to help mitigate some of the unhealthy effects of television

Advocate for mandatory media education programmes with known effectiveness in the schools.

  • View inline

Media history form: television focused questions 1-150

Conclusions

Although this review primarily focused on the unhealthy effects of television viewing on children and adolescents, some television programming has been shown to promote prosocial behaviours and have positive educational effects in young children. However, these programmes are in the minority and are mainly targeted to very young children (3–5 year olds). There are effective methods which can be used to lessen the negative influences of television. The primary method, besides turning off the television, is the introduction of media education to patients and their families. This introduction can be accomplished through many settings including the paediatrician's office, the school, and the community. The Academy's Media Matters Campaign is an example of such an integrated initiative to disseminate media education. It is important that paediatricians and parents jointly implement prevention campaigns and strategies. The effect on both children and adolescents, and the community will be much greater with a joint effort.

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  • ↵ Nielsen Media Research, New York, 1998.
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  • American Academy of Pediatrics, Committee on Communications
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  • ↵ Parents Television Council. The family hour: no place for your kids . Los Angeles, CA: Parents Television Council, 8 May 1997.
  • ↵ Kaiser Family Foundation . The 1996 Kaiser Family Foundation Survey on Teens and Sex. Menlo Park, CA: Kaiser Family Foundation, 24 June 24 1996.
  • Troiano RP ,
  • The Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania
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  • ↵ Gerbner G, Ozyegin N. Alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drugs in entertainment television, commercials, news, “reality shows”, movies and music channels. Report from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Princeton, NJ, 20 March 1997.
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Essay on Television for Students and Children

500+ words essay on television.

Television is one of the most popular devices that are used for entertainment all over the world. It has become quite common nowadays and almost every household has one television set at their place. In the beginning, we see how it was referred to as the ‘idiot box.’ This was mostly so because back in those days, it was all about entertainment. It did not have that many informative channels as it does now.

Essay on Television

Moreover, with this invention, the craze attracted many people to spend all their time watching TV. People started considering it harmful as it attracted the kids the most. In other words, kids spent most of their time watching television and not studying. However, as times passed, the channels of television changed. More and more channels were broadcasted with different specialties. Thus, it gave us knowledge too along with entertainment.

Benefits of Watching Television

The invention of television gave us various benefits. It was helpful in providing the common man with a cheap mode of entertainment. As they are very affordable, everyone can now own television and get access to entertainment.

In addition, it keeps us updated on the latest happenings of the world. It is now possible to get news from the other corner of the world. Similarly, television also offers educational programs that enhance our knowledge about science and wildlife and more.

Moreover, television also motivates individuals to develop skills. They also have various programs showing speeches of motivational speakers. This pushes people to do better. You can also say that television widens the exposure we get. It increases our knowledge about several sports, national events and more.

While television comes with a lot of benefits, it also has a negative side. Television is corrupting the mind of the youth and we will further discuss how.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

How Television is    Harming the Youth

essay on these days exposure to television and internet

Additionally, it also makes people addict. People get addicted to their TV’s and avoid social interaction. This impacts their social life as they spend their time in their rooms all alone. This addiction also makes them vulnerable and they take their programs too seriously.

The most dangerous of all is the fake information that circulates on news channels and more. Many media channels are now only promoting the propaganda of the governments and misinforming citizens. This makes causes a lot of division within the otherwise peaceful community of our country.

Thus, it is extremely important to keep the TV watching in check. Parents must limit the time of their children watching TV and encouraging them to indulge in outdoor games. As for the parents, we should not believe everything on the TV to be true. We must be the better judge of the situation and act wisely without any influence.

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essay on these days exposure to television and internet

Constantly Connected: How Media Use Can Affect Your Child

essay on these days exposure to television and internet

Today's children and teens are growing up immersed in digital media. It ranges from TV and videos to social media, video games and so much more. And it's all available on multiple devices—computers, e-readers, gaming consoles, smartphones and other screens.

Kids & media use: by the numbers

Recent Common Sense Media research shows that media use by tweens (ages 8–12 years) and teens (ages 13–18 years) rose faster in the two years since the COVID-19 pandemic than the four years before. The research found 8- to 12-year-olds spend an average of five and a half hours a day on screens and consuming media. That rate climbs to over eight and a half hours a day for teens.

Among teens, 79% said they use social media and online videos at least once a week, and 32% of these said they "wouldn't want to live without" YouTube. And nearly two-thirds (65%) of tweens said they watch TV, 64% watch online videos and 43% play games on a smartphone or tablet every day.

Average daily screentime rates soared highest among Black and Hispanic/Latino kids and those of lower-income families. These teens and tweens were spending between 6.5 and 7.5 hours a day on entertainment screens.

In another survey , 71% of parents with younger children (under 12 years old) said they were concerned about their child spending too much time in front of screens.

Risks & benefits of media use by children & teens

Why use digital media.

Digital media use can:

Expose users to new ideas and information.

Raise awareness of current events and issues.

Promote community participation.

Help students work with others on assignments and projects.

Digital media use also has social benefits that:

Allow families and friends to stay in touch, no matter where they live.

Enhance access to valuable support networks, especially for people with illnesses or disabilities.

Help promote wellness and healthy behaviors, such as how to quit smoking or how to eat healthy.

Why limit media use?

Overuse of digital media may place your children at risk of:

Not enough sleep. Media use can interfere with sleep. Children and teens who have too much media exposure or who have a TV, computer, or mobile device in their bedroom fall asleep later at night and sleep less. Even babies can be overstimulated by screens and miss the sleep they need to grow. Exposure to light (particularly blue light) and stimulating content from screens can delay or disrupt sleep and have a negative effect on school.

Obesity. Excessive screen use and having a TV in the bedroom can increase the risk of obesity . Watching TV for more than 1.5 hours daily is a risk factor for obesity for children 4 through 9 years of age. Teens who watch more than 5 hours of TV per day are 5 times more likely to have over-weight than teens who watch 0 to 2 hours. Food advertising and snacking while watching TV can promote obesity. Also, children who overuse media are less apt to be active with healthy, physical play.

Delays in learning & social skills. When infants or preschoolers watch too much TV, they may show delays in attention, thinking, language and social skills. One reason for this could be that they don't interact as much with their parents and family members. Parents who keep the TV on or spend excess time on their own digital media miss precious opportunities to interact with their children and help them learn.

Negative effect on school performance. Children and teens often use entertainment media at the same time that they're doing other things, such as homework . Such multitasking can have a negative effect on how well they do in school.

Behavior problems. Violent content on TV and screens can contribute to behavior problems in children, either because they are scared and confused by what they see or they try to mimic on-screen characters.

Problematic internet use. Children who spend too much time using online media can be at risk for a type of additive behavior called problematic internet use. Heavy video gamers are at risk for Internet gaming disorder. They spend most of their free time online and show less interest in offline or real-life relationships. There may be increased risks for depression at both the high and low ends of Internet use.

Risky behaviors. Teens' displays on social media often show risky behaviors, such as substance use, sexual behaviors, self-injury, or eating disorders. Exposure of teens through media to alcohol, tobacco use, or sexual behaviors is linked to engaging in these behaviors earlier.

Sexting, loss of privacy & predators. Sexting is the sending or receiving of sexually explicit images, videos, or text messages using a smartphone, computer, tablet, video game or digital camera. About 19% of youth have sent a sexual photo to someone else. Teens need to know that once content is shared with others, they may not be able to delete it completely. Kids may also not use privacy settings. Sex offenders may use social networking, chat rooms, e-mail and online games to contact and exploit children.

Cyberbullying. Children and teens online can be victims of cyberbullying. Cyberbullying can lead to short- and long-term negative social, academic, and health issues for both the bully and target. Fortunately, programs to help prevent bullying may reduce cyberbullying.

Make a family media use plan

Children today are growing up in a time of highly personalized media use experiences. It's smart to develop a customized media use plan for your children. This helps your kids avoid overusing media by balancing it with other healthy activities.

A media plan should consider each child's age, health, personality and developmental stage. Remember, all children and teens need adequate sleep (8–12 hours each night, depending on age), physical activity (1 hour a day) and time away from media. Create a customized plan for your family with our interactive Family Media Use Plan . Developed by the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), this tool works with your family's values and busy life.

More information

  • Beyond Screen Time: Help Your Kids Build Healthy Media Use Habits
  • How to Make a Family Media Use Plan
  • Virtual Violence: How Does It Affect Children?
  • Cyberbullying: What Parents Need to Know
  • Sexting: How To Talk With Kids About the Risks
  • 5 Unhealthy Ways Digital Ads May Be Targeting Your Child
  • Your Child's First Cell Phone: Are They Ready?
  • Video Games: Establish Your Own Family's Rating System
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The Oxford Handbook of the Development of Imagination

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The Oxford Handbook of the Development of Imagination

28 The Influence of Television, Video Games, and the Internet on Children’s Creativity

Sandra L. Calvert, Children's Digital Media Center, Department of Psychology, Georgetown University

Patti M. Valkenburg, Amsterdam School of Communications Research, Center for Children, Adolescents, and the Media, University of Amsterdam

  • Published: 01 August 2013
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For many children, substantial amounts of time are devoted almost every day to screen media, including television viewing, video game play, and online Internet activities. This chapter discusses exposure to these types of media activities and some of the ways they influence creativity. In particular, research investigating the extent to which different kinds of media activities might stimulate or, alternatively, have a negative reductive impact on, the development of creativity is reviewed. The evidence generally establishes a negative relationship between media use, particularly lean-back media such as television viewing, and creativity. An important positive exception is when children are exposed to educational television content that is designed to teach creativity through imaginative characters. Although many youth use newer media to view television content, children also lean forward and create content, such as online characters that engage in imaginative creative activities, such as role-playing.

For many children, development in the twenty-first century now takes place in the presence of a screen. Exposure remains primarily observational in nature, typically to television or video content that is presented via traditional broadcast venues, but also via newer options like Hulu that allow youth to view television programs online ( Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts, 2010 ). The ability to create content is also an important option of many newer media, such as blogs and social networking sites. How does the current media world, itself a symbolic construction and fabrication of reality, affect the development of children’s creativity? That question is the focus of this chapter.

We begin by defining creativity and the extent of children’s media exposure. Then we discuss alternative hypotheses concerning the relation between media exposure and children’s creativity and evaluate the research findings about the influences of television, video games, and the Internet. We end with a look to future research directions and our conclusions about what is currently known about the influence of media on children’s creativity.

What Is Creativity?

Creativity is a central facet of narrative thinking, which entails storylike, imaginistic thinking, whose object is not truth but “verisimilitude” or “lifelikeness” ( Bruner, 1986 , p. 11; Valkenburg & Peter, 2006 ). Narratives are a central form used in media, particularly television stories. According to Singer and Singer (2005) , the creative process involves the potential for imaginative novelty, in which there is a free flow of ideas, images, and mini stories, all facets of divergent processing, followed by an evaluation of the quality of these ideas within a domain of expertise (see chapter 24 ).

In the television literature, creativity can be defined as the capacity to generate many different novel or unusual ideas ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ). Creativity is typically measured in television studies by divergent thinking tests, such as the number of novel responses an individual can generate to a problem, and by creative tasks like drawing, problem solving, and making up stories ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ). Participation in extracurricular activities such as the visual arts, music, drama, and journalism, has also been defined as an indication of creativity ( D. R. Anderson, Huston, Schmitt, Linebarger, & Wright, 2001 ).

Although the research focus has often been on the effects of media on creativity after exposure, a neglected area of study involves an evaluation of the imaginative activities that take place during exposure ( Valkenburg & Peter, 2006 ). Expanding our knowledge of the role of imagination during media exposure may be particularly useful in understanding the role of newer technologies in creative processes because when children use interactive media, they have opportunities to create content rather than just consume the content of others.

Media Exposure and Experiences

From the cradle through the adolescent years, US children’s time is often spent in the presence of a screen. Using survey techniques, Common Sense Media (2011) and the Kaiser Family Foundation (2010) conducted nationally representative samples of US children and adolescents via online and telephone interviews, respectively. Two major reports were produced: one on media exposure during the first eight years of life, and the other on media exposure from ages 8 through 18.

The First eight Years

According to a recent Common Sense Media (2011) survey, young children’s lives are embedded in media. In a typical day for a US child under age eight, 69 percent will read or be read to, 75 percent will use some kind of screen media, and 51 percent will listen to music. Television remains the dominant force in children’s media use. Seventy percent of these children watch television on a typical day. Forty-two percent of children under age 8 have a television set in their bedroom, which allows them considerable autonomy in how much and what they decide to view.

The amount of time devoted to various media paints an even stronger picture of the role that audiovisual media play during the early years of life. Screen media 136 dominated young children’s time, with television and video use consuming 1 hour, 9 minutes on a typical day, followed by 25 minutes of media and video game play. Reading or being read to averaged 29 minutes per day, and listening to music consumed an average of 29 minutes per day. Thirty-nine percent of children lived in homes in which the television set was on all or most of the time.

The Common Sense Media (2011) report about early media exposure also found that the use of screen media increased with age. In the first year of life, screen use for all children averaged 53 minutes per day. By ages two to four, screen exposure time increased to two hours, 18 minutes daily, and increased to two hours, 50 minutes of exposure time for five- to eight-year-old children (Common Sense Media, 2011).

Middle Childhood and Adolescence

The Kaiser Family Foundation tracked the media use patterns of random samples of eight- to 18-year-old US children. Their findings revealed increase in exposure to digital media over time. In the latest survey of youth conducted by Rideout, Foehr, and Roberts (2010) , exposure to digital entertainment media averaged a staggering seven hours, 38 minutes per day, which increased to 10 hours, 45 minutes per day when multitasking (more than one medium being used at a time) was considered. These figures were significantly higher than the reported daily average of six hours, 21 minutes (eight hours, 33 minutes for total exposure with multitasking) from a comparable 2004 study ( Roberts, Rideout, & Foehr 2005 ), and from six hours, 19 minutes per day (seven hours, 29 minutes total exposure with multitasking) from 1999 ( Roberts, Foehr, Rideout, & Brodie, 1999 ). The explosion of cell phone and iPod/MP3 player use largely accounted for this increase in media use time. Leisure reading was the only area of decline.

The main kind of exposure that children select remains television content, which consumes four hours, 29 minutes of time on a typical day, up 38 minutes per day from 2004 figures. How that content is viewed, however, has shifted. In addition to television sets, youth view television programs and movies on the Internet, on their cell phones, and on their iPods ( Rideout et al., 2010 ). They also play video games on television sets, cell phones, and online. Thus, the delivery of media through a specific platform may now be a less useful concept for understanding media effects because youth can do just about any kind of activity on any electronic device that has a screen.

Media use by US children and adolescents is pervasive from the earliest days of life. Viewing television programs and videos dominate usage patterns, but adolescents also spend a considerable amount of time listening to music. Newer technologies like cell phones and iPods now make it possible for older youth to access many different kinds of content anytime, anywhere. Reading magazines and newspapers during leisure time has declined over time for preadolescents and adolescents.

Media Influences on Creativity: The Stimulation and Reduction Hypotheses

Two major hypotheses organize the literature on how media, which has mainly focused on the study of television, affects children’s creativity. One hypothesis argues for stimulation effects whereas the other argues for reduction effects ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ). These hypotheses were based on children’s exposure to traditional “lean-back” audiovisual media, such as television and films. Given the current usage patterns and escalation of interactive computer media use ( Rideout et al., 2010 ), it would be interesting to investigate the fit of these hypotheses with children’s more recent “lean-forward” media experiences.

The Stimulation Hypothesis

The stimulation hypothesis argues that media provides children with content that they can then subsequently use in their creative activities, thereby enhancing their creative products ( Valkenburg, 1999 ). Presumably, exposure to imaginative content and social models that demonstrate imaginative behaviors has the potential to increase children’s creative behaviors. So can the way that the program is structured. For example, making games and other content with interactive media may also enhance children’s creativity.

Imaginative Content and Models of Imaginative Behavior

Several educational children’s television programs focus on creativity. The most studied program is Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ; Friedrich- Cofer, Huston-Stein, Kipnis, Susman, & Clewit, 1979 ; Singer & Singer, 1990 ), but other children’s educational television programs are also designed to cultivate divergent thinking. Many times these programs have a social model, such as Fred Rogers, who displays creative activities.

Social cognitive theory predicts that children who observe models engaging in behaviors, such as creative activities, are likely to learn that behavior and imitate it when it is appropriate for a specific situation ( Bandura, 1986 ). Imitation, though, is not necessarily an exact reproduction of a behavior. Rather, imitation can refer to an entire class of behaviors ( Bandura, 1986 ). In the case of creativity, televised models may provide children with a prototype for how to generate creative responses to situations. From this perspective, the kind of content viewed and the kind of relationship that children develop with imaginative characters should be key factors in determining subsequent activities. In particular, parasocial relationships, in which viewers develop a perceived relationship with a media character ( Hoffner, 2008 ), may be one reason that certain social models could enhance children’s creative activities.

Production and Production Techniques

To create, children need to be able to reflect ( Singer & Singer, 2005 ). Television programs that allow time for reflection, for instance, those that are slowly paced such as Mister Rogers Neighborhood , might be especially likely to elicit imaginative activities. In newer interactive media experiences, children can also create and be the characters that then appear and act onscreen ( Calvert, 2002 ).

Current production practices in children’s educational television programs also include the use of pauses built into the story at key program points ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ). These pauses allow children time to respond to characters, thereby potentially promoting what is known as parasocial interaction , in which a child acts as if he or she is interacting with a media character ( Hoffner, 2008 ). More specifically, the character asks the child a question, the child presumably formulates a response, and the character then acts as if he or she hears or sees the child’s response ( Lauricella, Gola, & Calvert, 2011 ). Pauses also allow children time to think and reflect on content, a characteristic that could promote imaginative activity if an “interaction” occurs with an imaginative media character.

User-generated content is another potential way for creativity to be displayed. Youtube.com has a considerable amount of material that is produced by youth. Youth, for example, create videos about popular culture and post them on this site, and others come to see what has been created.

The Reduction Hypothesis

The reduction hypothesis involves five different reasons to explain why creativity might be disrupted by media exposure ( Valkenburg, 1999 ). All of these hypotheses suggest that there is something inherent in traditional media, such as television and films, which disrupts creativity ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ).

The Displacement Hypothesis

According to the displacement hypothesis, children spend a considerable amount of time with media that displaces other activities, including creative ones. Television viewing, for instance, displaces reading, and reading is thought to enhance creative expression. Internet and video games now join the mix of media that may take time away from creative activities and leisure-time reading.

The Visualization Hypothesis

If images are already created for viewers, as is the case in audiovisual media, children only need to view them rather than create their own. For this reason, books and music have traditionally been thought to stimulate creativity, whereas audiovisual media, such as television and videos, have been thought to disrupt it.

Arousal Hypothesis

According to the arousal hypothesis, violent content is the underlying reason that creativity is disrupted by media exposure. The fast-action that tends to portray violent content is also a formal feature that allows little time for reflection ( Huston et al., 1981 ). Therefore, both content and form could be responsible for arousal effects that then lead to physically active and impulsive behavior. High levels of arousal, in turn, disrupt the reflective style needed to create ( Valkenburg & Calvert, 2012 ).

The Passivity Hypothesis

A reduction effect in creativity because of media exposure could presumably occur because traditional media, such as television and films, may lead to lazy mental processing. In other words, children are not mentally active because processing audiovisual media requires little mental effort ( Salomon, 1984 ). Because creativity requires active processing and reorganization of material in novel ways, passive processing could disrupt imaginative activities.

Rapid Pacing Hypothesis

Television programs and series are often rapidly paced with frequent changes in scenes and characters. They are also constructed in a linear stream that is typically interrupted only for commercial messages. The commercials are typically more rapidly paced than the television programs, particularly in children’s entertainment programs ( Valkenburg & Vroone, 2004 ). Because creativity requires time for reflection, viewing rapidly-paced programs is thought to disrupt creativity.

The Evidence

Most empirical research on the impact of media on children’s creativity has focused on television. Very little research has been done to assess creativity during video game play or online Internet experiences. Overall, the studies on the effects of television have yielded more evidence for declines in creativity rather than increases. This decline is found in both correlational and experimental research. Nonetheless, when the kind of content, and the specific character, is considered, a more differentiated picture emerges.

Exposure to Imaginative Content

One proposed reason for an increase in creative behavior after media exposure involves the kind of content shown in children’s television programs. The content of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood , for example, focuses on fantasy, pretense, and activities that might enhance creativity ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ). The program is also slowly paced, allowing time for reflection. Several studies found positive outcomes for pretend play, a kindred spirit of creative fluency, when preschoolers viewed Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood ( Friedrich-Cofer et al., 1979 ; Singer & Singer, 1990 ; Tower, Singer, Singer, & Biggs, 1979 ). Similarly, the parents of children who viewed the educational television programs Allegra’s Window and Gullah , Gullah Island (which were designed to enhance creative problem solving) rated their children more highly on divergent processing skills than the parents of children who were nonviewers of these series ( Bryant & Williams, 1987 ).

Early viewing patterns can also set a trajectory for long-term engagement in creative activities. D. R. Anderson and colleagues (2001) conducted a longitudinal follow-up on two different cohorts of children who lived in the states of Massachusetts and Kansas. These children’s viewing patterns had initially been collected using home diaries when they were age five. When these children were age 15 to 18, they were recontacted and reassessed in a variety of areas. In the creativity domain, assessments included a test on alternate uses of an object that measured ideational fluency; participation in creative extracurricular activities such as visual arts, music, drama, and journalism; and the number of art classes taken in school.

After statistically controlling for numerous variables, the researchers found that preschoolers who had been heavy viewers of educational television programs had higher scores on measures of creativity during the adolescent years. The most consistent findings were found for those who were heavier versus lighter viewers of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood . In particular, frequent child viewers of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood later scored higher on measures of ideational fluency and participated more in creative activities, although the latter finding was only for the Kansas participants. Adolescents from the Kansas site who frequently viewed informative programs during the follow-up test also participated in more creative activities. Thus, the kind of program viewed influenced children’s and adolescents’ creativity.

Imaginative Models That Foster a Sense of Being Like the Character

Fred Rogers, the host of Mister Rogers ’ Neighborhood , also modeled imaginative behaviors. To do so, he skillfully used parasocial interaction techniques, in which he spoke directly to the audience as he “looked” at children through the camera lens. Mister Rogers also talked to children, paused for their replies, and then answered as if he had heard them speaking to him. That kind of technique is now used in numerous programs designed for a preschool-age audience ( Calvert & Wartella, in press ). Dora the Explorer is one such example.

In the prototypical Dora story, a problem arises and Dora figures out how to solve it with the help of her audience. In one study, Calvert, Strong, Jacobs, and Conger (2007) examined a Dora the Explorer story about sticky tape. Benny the Bull was losing air from his balloon and was headed for an eventual crash at Crocodile Lake where the crocodiles looked rather hungry. Dora and Boots, her monkey sidekick, pursued the balloon and encountered various obstacles along the way. They used sticky tape, presumably with audience input, to solve these problems. For example, they fixed a hole in the sail of their boat with sticky tape, put sticky tape on their shoes to climb a slippery slope, and ultimately patched the hole in Benny’s balloon with sticky tape, which prevented him from crashing into Crocodile Lake. After viewing the episode, children were asked how much they were like Dora and were asked to tell us all the things that they could do with sticky tape (a measure of divergent processing). Four-year-old children who perceived themselves to be more like Dora had more unique, original responses for the ways that sticky tape could be used. Although the direction of this relationship is unclear, the results indicate that a creative problem-solving television model that is perceived by children as similar to themselves is associated with more divergent processing outcomes.

Being the Character

The difference between perceiving that you are like a character and actually becoming the character is potentially an important one. In the latter case, one acts as if one is that character, acts through the character, and has truly entered the realm of make believe. Video and computer games designed for children and youth often pass this challenge successfully, allowing children to have some control over the choice of character. Electronic games designed for children typically include several ways that children and youth can individualize the character and explore their identity during the media experience. For example, the child can name the character, change its appearance, and role-play through that character ( Calvert, 2002 ).

Turkle (1995 , 1997) was one of the first scholars to study online identity construction. Her focus involved those who populated multi-user domains (MUDs), in which players created characters and then engaged in various actions. Some MUDs were adventure based, focusing on actions such as slaying dragons in a fantasy setting ( Turkle, 1995 ). Other MUDs were social in nature, in which players created whatever kind of space interested them ( Turkle, 1995 ). These early MUDs were initially only textual in nature. Thus, the verbal modality would be predicted to inspire creative actions.

Using case studies and participant observation techniques, Turkle (1995 , 1997) found considerable range in how players constructed their online identities. For example, one of her study participants created multiple online identities through various characters that he created. Among other characters, he created a rabbit that he named “Nibbles.” Nibbles lurked on a MUD site and listened to others’ interactions. He believed that his nonthreatening rabbit persona was the reason that others allowed him to spend time in their personal spaces in a voyeuristic manner. A female participant created a male character named Argyle, a short, squatty character who was always in search of his socks. Note here that the female player is engaged in gender bending, in which she pretends to be a male, a pattern that Turkle observed in online identity constructions.

With the evolution of the Internet and increased speed in online connections, visual characters began to populate MUDs. In two studies from our laboratory, 10- to 11-year-old children constructed avatars by choosing a boy or girl visual character, a costume, and a name. Pairs of children then interacted with one another in a MUD that we created. In the first study, children interacted in two different sessions with two different unfamiliar children who lived in a different location ( Calvert, Mahler, Zehnder, Jenkins, & Lee, 2003 ). In the second study ( Calvert, Strouse, Strong, Huffaker, & Lai, 2009 ), the same pair of children from the same school interacted in the MUD for two sessions.

Children typically chose realistic names, such as Suzy and Jimmy, or they chose nicknames, for their characters. Nevertheless, a subset of children selected creative character names, derived from fantasy and mythology, concepts or objects, and nonsense words ( Calvert et al., 2003 ).

Role-play occurs when children suspend reality to participate in a theme-based imaginary interaction ( Calvert et al., 2003 ). The ability to imagine or act out a social role is related to individual differences, such as prior levels of creativity (chapters 12 and 17 ). In our MUD studies, children sometimes pretended to be basketball players shooting imaginary balls in the city scene, or they pretended to be drowning at the beach scene ( Calvert et al., 2003 , 2009 ). Almost twice as many pairs of children engaged in role play when they knew one another than when they did not (55 percent vs. 27 percent) ( Calvert et al., 2009 ). Thus, familiarity played a key role in online creative activities.

Multi-user domain interactions may be associated with children’s role play, in part, because these kinds of sites have minimal structure. For example, preschool-age children demonstrate more novel responses in low- than in high-structure activities ( Carpenter & Huston-Stein, 1980 ). Therefore, it may be that certain kinds of online activities lend themselves to creative responses more so than others. At this point, however, there are no empirical studies that compare the effects of different kinds of sites on creative outcomes.

Producing and Creating the Content

When children make content, they sometimes produce creative content. Kafai (1995 , 1996) , for instance, had children create video games to learn about fractions. One of the first steps in the game creation was to write a script. Girls created diverse stories, such as games in which the player had to avoid a spider or ski down a hill without falling ( Kafai, 1996 ). Although boys’ stories often clustered around action-oriented themes, they sometimes developed very clever storylines en route to solving fractions. One story, for instance, included a magician who would make the child disappear unless he told him the proportion of a square that was colored; at another point in this game, a man in a hot air balloon threatened to take the child prisoner unless he told him which fraction equals two-thirds ( Kafai, 1995 ).

Most professional writers now use word processing software to construct their stories. When writers breathe life into their characters, some of them develop relationships with their main characters. For instance, they talk to their imaginary characters and even make agreements with them about the plots ( Taylor, Hodges, & Kohanyi, 2003 ). Such experiences are a kind of parasocial relationship.

The Internet provides numerous new ways for viewers to share their stories, such as fan fiction. Fan fiction, which involves stories that are often a takeoff from a television series, provides a way for viewers to take active control of a character’s fate. The conditions that lend themselves to fan fiction are poorly understood and have not been a topic of research, but it would be quite useful to conduct a content analysis on the stories in fan fiction sites to determine how much of the content is original, and how much is redundant with the original storyline of a series. The motives of fan fiction writers are also a topic in need of study. Perhaps viewers do not like what is happening to a favorite character. Are they then more likely to write their own alternative story and post it online? Similar kinds of studies could be conducted for children and youth who create their own video games or user-generated content on sites such as YouTube. Another venue of interest for study involves children’s educational television sites in which activities are available to write stories and draw pictures about the programs that they view on television.

The content that provides the starting point for innovative creations must come from somewhere, whether a real-life experience, a book, a television program, a videogame program, a musical piece, or an Internet application. Imaginative television content and characters increase children’s subsequent creative activities. Little research has been conducted on interactive media creations, but any time children make their own content, creative output is more likely to occur than when children consume another’s content.

The displacement hypothesis has only been investigated for television viewing and not for other media. It has been studied primarily through quasi-experimental approaches that describe creativity among children before and after the introduction of television in their communities, or by comparing children who have television sets in their homes versus those who do not. In these studies, television viewing was predicted to displace media experiences, such as reading or listening to the radio, that were perceived to lend themselves to more creative activities.

In an early study conducted by Himmelweit, Oppenheim, and Vince (1958) , teachers rated the creativity of 1,854 pupils who either did or did not have a television set. Children, who were 10 to 11 or 13 to 14 years of age, lived in four UK cities and were matched on their age, sex, intelligence, and social class. Teacher ratings were made on a three-point Likert scale, with response options ranging from unusually imaginative to unimaginative. The media activities that television displaced for children were comic book reading, listening to the radio, and going to films for children, but those changes did not occur for adolescents. Reading books initially decreased, but then returned to prior levels after the passage of time. No differences were found on teacher ratings for creativity as a function of television access. Valkenburg and van der Voort (1994) noted the following methodological issues in this study: (1) the validity of using a teacher rating approach to measure children’s creativity was questionable; (2) matching children on intelligence may have led to an equalization of groups on creativity because divergent thought is a component of intelligence; and (3) the two groups were not entirely equivalent, even though they were matched on several important dimensions.

Harrison and Williams (1986) later investigated the creativity of 284 children in three Canadian communities over a two-year period. Children who were 10 to 13 years old when the study began had no television access in the NOTEL community, had access to one television channel in the UNITEL community, and had access to multiple television channels in the MULTITEL community. Measures were collected for children over a two-year period, before the NOTEL community had access to television, and after access to a channel took place. Creativity measures included a divergent measure, the verbal Alternate Uses test, and a figural Pattern Meanings test. Although the use of media was stable over the two-year period in the UNITEL and MULTITEL communities, the introduction of television altered the media use patterns of participants in the NOTEL community. Attending films was the main area in which a displacement effect was found. Initially, children who lived in the NOTEL community had higher scores on a creativity measure than the other children. However, two years after the introduction of television, children’s scores on the verbal Alternate Uses Test who lived in the NOTEL community decreased to levels that were comparable to those of children living in the UNITEL and MULTITEL communities. No changes were found on the Pattern Meanings test.

Although newer media such as video game and Internet applications could presumably displace older media use such as television viewing, that pattern has not emerged. Instead, all media use has escalated, with multitasking being the norm ( Rideout et al., 2010 ). When time is considered, television viewing has, and continues to, colonize children’s leisure time ( Wartella & Robb, 2008 ).

The generation of visual images and novel story endings is thought to be impeded by exposure to audiovisual media, which supply those images rather than stimulate the creation of them via verbal modalities. Experimental media comparison studies, in which exposure to an audiovisual television story is compared with reading the same story or hearing it via radio, are often used to test this hypothesis. Media comparisons have not been made with newer interactive media applications for creative outcomes.

In a cross-media comparison, Meline (1976) gave 12- and 13-year-old US children one sample solution to a problem in audio, print, or video formats. Then children were asked to provide one novel solution to each of four problems. Creativity was scored whenever children provided a response that was different from the information they had experienced. Twelve-year-old children gave similar numbers of creative responses after exposure to print and audio or to print and video, but those exposed only to video gave fewer creative responses than those exposed only to audio stimuli. For 13-year-old children, those exposed only to video gave fewer creative responses than those exposed to print. The audio- and video-only comparison for the 13-year-old children could not be made because of experimenter error.

Kerns (1981) exposed 12- and 16-year-old youth to a six-minute story that had an ambiguous ending. The same story was presented as an audiovisual film, an audio-only track, or a silent visual film. The 16-year-old adolescents were also given a print version of the story. The youth were then asked to answer three questions designed to elicit creative replies. Reponses were scored for originality, flexibility, fluency, and stimulus freedom. Youth who viewed the audiovisual film produced the least original and stimulus-free replies. Contrary to prediction, however, those who viewed the visual film without the audio track scored higher on original and stimulus-free responses than those who were exposed to audio, and in the case of 16-year-old youth, the print version of the story.

The level of originality in story completion was examined in two studies conducted by Greenfield and colleagues. Both compared audio and audiovisual presentations. Greenfield, Farrar, and Beagles-Roos (1986) showed seven- to eight-year-old and nine- to 10-year-old middle-class US children two eight-minute stories, an African folktale and a story about a magical old woman. The stories were interrupted just before the end and children were asked to complete the stories. Story endings that were original and distinct from the audio or video presentation were scored as creative solutions. Children who had viewed the audiovisual story gave fewer original story endings than those who had listened to the audio version of the story, but this pattern emerged primarily for the story that was most comprehensible.

In a follow-up study, Greenfield and Beagles-Roos (1988) examined ethnic and racial differences in creative replies after exposure to the same audio and audiovisual stories that they had previously studied. African-American children from middle-class backgrounds, African-American children from working-class backgrounds, and European-American children from working-class backgrounds were compared with their original sample of European- American children from middle-class backgrounds. Once again, exposure to the audio-only presentation led to more original, stimulus-free story endings than did exposure to the audiovisual presentation, but only for the more comprehensible story. In addition, African-American children did not show an advantage for creative story endings when exposed to audio over audiovisual presentations, instead supplying similar levels of creative solutions in both conditions.

Using the same stimuli that had been studied by Greenfield and her colleagues, Runco and Pezdek (1984) compared the effects of audiovisual and audio presentations on nine- and 12-year-old children’s creativity. In this study, however, children saw or heard the story ending. Creativity was also measured by asking children to respond to questions about what would have occurred if the story ending had turned out differently. Modality differences were not related to the number of creative responses. The authors argued that creativity was a stable trait, not readily influenced by differences in how media are presented to children. However, the Runco and Pezdek (1984) sample was one in which children came from mixed ethnic backgrounds. Because Greenfield and Beagles-Roos (1988) found ethnic differences in creativity, Runco and Pezdek may have failed to find modality differences in creative replies because they pooled the responses for each condition, regardless of children’s ethnic background ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ).

Drawings are another way that creativity has been measured. Vibbert and Meringoff (1981) presented nine- to 10-year-old children with a 10-minute story presented audiovisually, visually only, aurally only, or in print. Children were asked to draw four pictures about different parts of the story. A control group also drew pictures about the four topics that were applicable to these story points, but they were not exposed to the story. Children who heard the story drew original pictures, but those who saw the film created drawings that were often tied directly to the video images they had seen. The control group drew images that were scored similarly to the audio group on creativity.

D. R. Anderson and P. Collins (1988) have argued for a faulty memory hypothesis to explain some of the medium differences that are reported in these studies. Specifically, medium differences in creativity may occur, in part, because verbal stories impart less information, thereby requiring the child to fill in more gaps. Thus, creative responses may actually be occurring because children do not comprehend the story very well when it is presented in only one modality. Put another way, responses that are inconsistent with the actual story may be viewed as original when they really are just stretches to fill in gaps when comprehension has failed. In such instances, children may substitute more general knowledge from their own lives, thereby appearing to be more divergent in their replies than is truly the case. Valkenburg and van der Voort (1994) argue that such an interpretation is viable only when a story does not adequately present all key elements required for comprehension, as may have been the case for the visual only film in Kern’s (1981) study. Note that if poor comprehension is the key for more creative replies, then children who were viewing the poorly understood story should have generated more creative story endings in the audio over the audiovisual condition in the study conducted by Greenfield and colleagues. That was not the case. Instead, when children viewed the comprehensible story, they generated more creative story endings in the audio only condition than in the audiovisual condition.

To shed light on the faulty memory hypothesis in relation to creativity, Valkenburg and Beentjes (1997) compared exposure to two eight-minute stories that were presented in audio or audiovisual forms, both of which were interrupted just before the end. To test the faulty memory hypothesis, a third treatment group heard the audio story twice to improve comprehension, but still without the ending. One story was the same one used by Greenfield and colleagues, and the other was a simpler story. Both stories were translated into Dutch. After exposure, the story endings generated by seven to eight and eight- to nine-year-old Dutch children were scored for the number of novel ideas generated and for the quality of the story ending. Developmental differences emerged with no differences in creative story endings found for children in audio or audiovisual treatments at age seven to eight years, but creative story endings favoring audio over audiovisual treatments at age eight to nine years. Doubling exposure to the radio presentation did improve story comprehension over a single radio exposure, but no differences occurred in the number of novel story elements or the quality of the story ending that children generated in the two radio conditions. Thus, the faulty memory hypothesis was not supported in this study.

In summary, there is support for the visualization hypothesis in several experimental studies. Exposure to written or aural stories typically is associated with the generation of more novel responses, particularly when there is an unfinished story ending, than when exposure is to an audiovisual presentation. Nonetheless, the research base is limited by the use of very few distinct experimental stimuli. Creative responses are also sensitive to child characteristics such as their age and their ethnic background.

The Arousal Hypothesis

Studies that directly test the hypothesis that exposure to arousing programs disrupts imaginative activities have not been conducted. Therefore, the evidence that supports or refutes the underlying assumptions of this hypothesis have been examined instead. These include the assumptions that: (1) watching or interacting with action-oriented and/or violent content increases the child’s arousal level; (2) that this arousal, in turn, leads to restless, impulsive behavior; (3) that peaceful quiet time is necessary to create; and (4) for these reasons, creativity is inhibited (see Valkenburg, 1999 ; Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ).

Experimental studies support the first assumption of the arousal hypothesis. Specifically, children and adolescents who view violent rather than nonviolent content are more aroused ( Zillmann, 1991 ). Similar results are found in meta-analyses that examine children’s and youths’ arousal levels immediately after playing violent videogames ( C. Anderson et al., 2010 ). Virtual reality game experiences, in which the player is embedded in a game and looks out of a character’s eyes, also demonstrate stronger arousal effects on players, as measured by pulse rate, than traditional observational exposures to that game ( Calvert & Tan, 1994 ). There is also some support for the second assumption of the arousal hypothesis: that viewing violent programs creates an impulsive and restless orientation ( Singer, Singer, & Rapaczynski, 1984 ), impulsivity ( C. Anderson & McGuire, 1978 ), and reduces the ability to wait ( Friedrich & Stein, 1973 ). The third assumption—that creative behavior requires peaceful, quiet, time alone—has also received some support ( Dellas & Gaier, 1970 ).

The final assumption of the arousal hypothesis is that these three prior links ultimately lead to lower levels of creativity. D. R. Anderson and his colleagues (2001) found that preschoolers who were heavier viewers of violent content were less creative as adolescents, participated in fewer creative activities at one of two sites, and participated in fewer overall art classes at both sites. These negative findings also occurred when examining overall levels of television exposure in relation to creativity. By contrast, preschoolers who were heavier viewers of prosocial television content were subsequently more creative as teenagers. However, arousal, impulsivity, and the lack of time alone were not measured in this study, and hence, must be inferred.

In the passivity hypothesis, television exposure is described as requiring little effort to process information, leading to a lazy information processing style that is not conducive to creativity. Instead of creating one’s own fantasies, television viewers are thought to consume the fantasies of others. Less is predicted about the use of interactive media leading to lazy information processing activities, but one would assume that the floor for using interactive media is higher than for using television media if children create content. The passivity hypothesis has not been directly tested. The assumptions of this hypothesis are considered here.

The first assumption of the passivity hypothesis is that processing television requires little mental effort. Although viewers do actively process television content ( D. R. Anderson & Burns, 1991 ; Richards & D. R. Anderson, 2004 ), reading a book does yield more mental effort than watching a television program ( Beentjes, 1989 ; Salomon, 1984 ). Salomon (1984) coined the term AIME, the amount of invested mental effort, to describe this phenomenon.

The second assumption of the passivity hypothesis is that the low levels of effort that are purportedly commonplace during television viewing then generalize to other situations. That assumption has not been tested. Nor do we know if this process is expected to occur for all screen media or is unique to viewing lean-back media such as television or films. Some argue that lean-forward interactive screen experiences, such as playing video games and using certain Internet applications, call upon the user to exert more effort than television viewing does. However, increased effort does not mean that those activities enhance creativity.

The third assumption of the passivity model is that children consume the fantasies of others rather than create their own. Clearly a viewer of television is consuming someone else’s creation. Moreover, many of the users of newer technologies are viewing content, even though they have the option to produce content on popular sites such as YouTube. For example, Gill, Arlitt, and Mahanti (2007) tracked the usage patterns of approximately 28,000 students and 5,300 faculty and staff at the University of Calgary for a three-month period in 2007. More than 23 million requests were made to obtain video content from YouTube during that time frame, but only 28,655 posts were made. Posts included ratings of videos, comments about videos, and uploading videos, the latter being user generated content. Although we do not know how creative the uploaded content was, only 133 video uploads took place on campus during this three-month period. Thus, YouTube mainly appears to be a new venue for looking at what others create rather than creating one’s own content. Note, however, that although those who read stories written by another person or listen to a story written by another on a radio broadcast are also consuming another’s fantasy, those modes of conveying content are thought to foster creative activity ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ).

Creative thought requires concentrated mental effort ( Sternberg & Lubart, 1991 ), the fourth assumption of the passivity hypothesis. Multitasking could well disrupt concentration, and hence creative activity, because users shift attention quickly from one task to another. However, that area has not been systematically studied. In addition, there are no data to support the final assumption of the causal chain in the passivity hypothesis—that reductions in mental effort, which are purportedly caused by television viewing—ultimately disrupt the development of creativity.

In the rapid pacing hypotheses, quick changes of scenes and characters are predicted to decrease creative activity because there is little opportunity to pause and reflect. The lack of reflection time, in turn, can lead to short attention spans and impulsive thinking patterns, which can disrupt creativity ( Valkenburg & Van der Voort, 1994 ). This overall thesis has never been empirically established, but parts of this hypothesis have been tested and verified.

The first assumption—that rapidly paced television programs provide less time to reflect than slowly paced television programs—is correct. However, there is no empirical evidence that rapidly paced programs impair reflective thinking ( D. R. Anderson, Levin, & Lorch, 1977 ). Nevertheless, television viewing per se may decrease the amount of time that people are willing to invest in a problem-solving activity ( Suedfeld, Little, Rank, Rank, & Ballard, 1986 ). Therefore, the second assumption receives partial empirical support.

The third assumption of the rapid pacing hypothesis—that creativity requires reflective thinking—is supported by empirical data (see Harrison & Williams, 1986 ). The assumption that reductions in reflective thinking that are caused by rapidly-paced programs then lead to decreases in creativity has not been studied.

Overall the data support a reductive effect of media exposure—specifically television exposure—on creativity. The reduction hypothesis involves five possible reasons for why media exposure leads to less creativity. These include displacement, the visualization hypothesis, the arousal hypothesis, the passivity hypothesis, and the rapid pacing hypothesis. More research is needed to specify the underlying processes that cause this reduction to occur.

The role that media, particularly exposure to television content, play in children’s creativity indicates more evidence of reduction rather than stimulation effects. Given that children and youth mainly view television content and that this exposure to television content now extends to multiple platforms that are available every moment of the day, there is reason to expect that even exposure to newer media can disrupt creative behaviors.

The three most plausible explanations for these reductive effects are that: (1) television content and a considerable amount of online content provides ready-made images for viewers rather than requiring them to generate their own content; (2) violent action-oriented television and video game programs disturb the peace and quiet required to be creative; and (3) heavy exposure to audiovisual lean-back media displaces other activities, such as reading, that lend themselves to creative responses.

Nevertheless, exposure to imaginative content and imaginative television characters, particularly those who invite children to interact with them, demonstrate both short- and long-term benefits for children’s and adolescents’ creativity. Moreover, youth sometimes can and do make up content, including the construction of characters in online role-play games.

Ultimately, the emerging media experiences that are at the fingertips of youth allow them unprecedented choices. How youth decide to pursue and use those choices will determine if they will create, or if they will live instead in a world largely defined and constrained by the creations of others.

Future Directions

The research gaps about the role that media play in children’s creativity are vast. Although research has periodically examined this topic in the television area over the past several decades, the studies have generally focused on products without a systematic examination of the underlying processes that lead to reduction effects. This problem leads to many unanswered questions about which reduction hypotheses are supported or not supported by the empirical research.

Another problem in television studies is the failure to separate exposure to specific kinds of content from overall exposure. A media diet of prosocial, educational television is not the same as one involving high levels of exposure to content. Thus, separating the quality of television content exposure, with a focus on specific television programs that attempt to facilitate creativity, from the quantity of television exposure, in which the typical dependent variable tends to capture exposure to high levels of violent content, is clearly needed.

Although interactivity is a clear option in the newer interactive media world, which allows children and adolescents numerous opportunities to create rather than observe others’ content, few studies have examined the role of interactive media experiences in creativity. Specifying if there are differences in creativity after experiences with “lean-back” observational media versus those with potential for “lean-forward” interactive experiences are an important direction for future research.

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Regions & Countries

1. children’s engagement with digital devices, screen time.

The use of the internet and the adoption of mobile devices like smartphones and tablets is widespread, and digital technologies play a significant role in the everyday lives of American families. This is also true for children, who may begin interacting with digital devices at young ages.

Chart shows children’s engagement with certain types of digital devices varies widely by age

The most common device parents say their young child engages with is a television, with 88% of parents saying their child ever uses or interacts with a TV. Smaller – yet still large – shares of parents say their child ever uses or interacts with a tablet computer (67%) or a smartphone (60%). Some 44% of parents of young children say their child ever uses or interacts with a desktop or laptop computer or a gaming device.

There are substantial age differences in the types of devices parents report their child engaging with. For example, 73% of parents with a child age 9 to 11 say their child uses a desktop or laptop computer, compared with 54% of those whose child is age 5 to 8 and just 16% of those with a child younger than 5. The use of gaming devices follows a similar pattern: 68% of parents with a child age 9 to 11 say their child uses this device, compared with 58% of those with a child age 5 to 8, one-quarter of those whose child is age 3 to 4 and 9% of those with a child age 2 or younger. Similarly, 80% of parents with a child age 5 to 11 say their child uses or interacts with a tablet computer, compared with 64% of parents with a child age 3 to 4 who do this and 35% with a child or a child age 2 or younger.

These differences by the child’s age are less pronounced when other devices are considered. For instance, parents with a child age 9 to 11 are more likely to say their child engages with a smartphone (67%), compared with parents with a child age 5 to 8 (59%) or age 2 or younger (49%). Parents with a child age 3 to 4 fall in the middle – 62% say their child uses or interacts with a smartphone.

Parents of the youngest children are less likely to say their child engages with a television, but majorities of all age groups still report doing so – 74% of parents with a child age 2 or younger say their child uses or interacts with a television, compared with 90% or more of parents with a child in somewhat older age groups.

More than one-third of parents with a child under 12 say their child began interacting with a smartphone before the age of 5

Chart shows many parents say their smartphone-using child began engaging with the phone before age 5

Nearly one-in-five parents of a child younger than 12 say their child has their own smartphone

Chart shows 51% of parents whose young child has their own smartphone say this child got the device between the ages of 9 and 11

There are differences in child smartphone ownership by parents’ education level and the age of the child. Parents with a high school education or less are twice as likely as parents who are college graduates to say their child has their own smartphone (21% vs. 11%). Parents with some college education fall in the middle, with 19% saying their child under the age of 12 has their own smartphone.

Parents with somewhat older children are also more likely to say their child has their own device. For example, 37% of parents of a child age 9 to 11 say their child has their own smartphone, compared with 13% of those with a child 5 to 8, 5% of those with a child 3 to 4 and 3% of those with a child who is 2 or younger.

Among the share of parents who say their child under age 12 has their own smartphone (17%), roughly half (51%) say this child was between the ages of 9 and 11 when they got their own device, and about one-third of parents (35%) say this happened between ages 5 and 8. Much smaller shares of these parents say the same for younger ages.

Chart shows being able to communicate easily, getting in touch with their child are major reasons most parents say child has their own smartphone

Far fewer parents with a child in this age range say that major reasons their child has their own smartphone are to have something to keep them entertained (25%) or because their friends or classmates have a phone (6%). About one-in-ten parents of a child ages 5 to 11 (9%) say that a major reason this child has their own smartphone is to do their homework.

More than a third of parents say their child under the age of 12 uses or interacts with a voice-activated assistant

Chart shows 36% of parents say their child ever interacts with a voice-activated assistant

Roughly one-third of parents of a child age 11 or younger (36%) say their child ever uses or interacts with a voice-activated assistant such as Apple’s Siri or Amazon Alexa. There are differences in a child’s interaction with this type of device by age of the child, race or ethnicity, parent’s level of educational attainment and community type.

Parents who have an older child, between the ages of 5 and 11, are more likely than parents with a child age 3 to 4 or age 2 or younger to say their child uses or interacts with a voice-activated assistant.

Among parents with a child under age 12, those with lower levels of formal education are less likely to say their child engages with a voice-activated assistant – 26% of parents with a high school education or less say their child does this, compared with 38% of parents who have some college education and 42% of college graduates.

White parents are more likely than Hispanic parents to say their child ever interacts with or uses a voice-activated assistant. Those living in suburban locations are also more likely than those living in rural communities to say their child does this.

Chart shows majority of parents say their child uses a voice assistant to play music; fewer use these devices to hear jokes, play games

The use of a voice-activated assistant varies substantially by the age of the child for all but one of these activities – with older children being more likely to use these functions. Fully 78% of parents with a child age 5 to 11 say their child uses a voice-activated assistant to get information, compared with 29% of parents with a child age 4 or younger who say the same.

When it comes to using the voice-activated assistant to hear jokes, more than half of parents (54%) with a 5- to 11-year-old child say their child uses a voice-activated assistant to do this, compared with roughly one-quarter of parents (24%) with a younger child, 4 or younger, who say the same. And more than twice as many parents with a child age 5 to 11 say their child uses a voice-activated assistant to play games compared with parents with a child age 4 or younger (34% vs. 16%). There is no difference by age of child when it comes to parents saying their child uses a voice-activated assistant to play music.

Chart shows about four-in-ten parents say they are at least somewhat concerned about data being collected about their child by voice-activated assistants

A portion of parents say their child younger than 12 uses social media; use varies by age of child, parents’ level of education

Relatively few parents of a child age 11 or younger say that, as far as they know, their child uses social media, though shares are higher for parents of children ages 9 to 11. Despite most social media sites having age guidelines in place, which usually restrict children younger than 13 from joining, some 13% of these parents say their child uses TikTok and 10% say their child uses Snapchat. Just 5% say their child uses Instagram, and even fewer (3%) say their child uses Facebook. Some 7% of parents say their child uses some other social media site. There are differences in child social media use by age of the child and parents’ level of educational attainment.

Parents with a child age 9 to 11 are more likely than parents with a child in younger age groups to say their child uses any of the social media platforms asked about in the survey. For example, three-in-ten parents of a child age 9 to 11 say their child uses TikTok, compared with 11% of parents of a child between the ages of 5 and 8 and 3% of parents of children ages 4 and younger.

Chart shows parents of an older child are more likely to say child uses social media sites

Parental education level is also a factor in their child’s use of certain social media sites. For example, parents of a child age 11 or younger with a high school education or less are more likely than those with a postgraduate degree to say their child uses TikTok (19% vs. 6%). This trend also holds for a child’s use of Snapchat and Facebook.

Parents are more likely to say their child under age 12 uses a social media site if this child has their own smartphone. For instance, 42% of parents who say their child has their own smartphone also say their child uses TikTok, and 31% say their child uses Snapchat. These shares fall to 10% or less across all platforms for parents who say their child does not have their own smartphone.

CORRECTION (Aug. 5, 2020): An earlier version of this report included a chart with a headline that read “Roughly half of parents say their child got their own smartphone between the ages of 9 and 11.” This headline has been edited for accuracy to explain that this was only among those whose child had their own smartphone. The chart, now titled “51% of parents whose young child has their own smartphone say this child got the device between the ages of 9 and 11,” was also edited so that all figures displayed in the bar chart are scaled correctly.

  • When all parents with a child under the age of 12 are considered, 35% say their child began engaging with a smartphone before the age of 5, 15% say this happened between the ages of 5 and 8, and 8% say their child began engaging with this device between the ages of 9 and 11. ↩

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Table of contents, how parents’ views of their kids’ screen time, social media use changed during covid-19, how the political typology groups compare, bhutanese in the u.s. fact sheet, 59% of u.s. parents with lower incomes say their child may face digital obstacles in schoolwork, parenting children in the age of screens, most popular.

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Essay on Internet Influence for Kids

When we think of the internet, most of us probably think of websites we visit daily – Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, or YouTube. But the internet is not limited to these, and it has far-reaching consequences for kids. In this essay on internet influence for kids, we will explore how the internet shapes the way kids think and act. Kids today are growing up in a world where the internet plays a massive role in their lives. From helping with homework to finding friends, the internet has become an integral part of their everyday life. However, the internet also has its downsides. Kids today are more likely to develop problems like online addiction due to the constant exposure they get from the internet.

Parents need to be aware of the internet’s effects on their children. By understanding how the internet works and how it affects kids, parents can help keep their children’s online safety and help them develop healthy online habits. While it helps to learn about different cultures and perspectives and can be amazing for fostering creativity and exploration, it can also negatively impact kids. For example, when kids are constantly exposed to harmful content on the internet, it can seriously affect their mental health and development. Additionally, research has shown that children who spend more time online tend to have lower grades in school than their peers who don’t spend as much time online. Now, let us read BYJU’S internet influence on kids essay and understand its pros and cons.

Internet Influence for Kids

Table of Contents

The pros and cons of online life for kids, how to limit internet exposure for kids.

The essay on internet influence for kids helps them understand the advantages and disadvantages of using the internet. The pros of the internet for kids include learning in a more relaxed environment , accessing information from all over the world, and having fun. On the other hand, there are also some cons of the internet in kids’ lives, such as potential dangers, mental health issues and cyberbullying. Parents need to monitor their children’s online activity to ensure they utilise its benefits and avoid potential dangers.

Suggested Article: Cyber Safety Essay

After learning the pros and cons of the internet for children, let us know how to prevent kids from getting addicted to the internet and engaging themselves in other kids learning activities by reading BYJU’S internet influence on kids essay.

Parents can limit their kids’ internet exposure by using various tools. One way to limit internet time is to set bedtime for kids and establish the rule by turning off the internet when they’re supposed to go to bed. Another way is to set up rules for how much time kids can spend on different websites. For example, parents could limit two hours per day on online gaming and social media use and one hour per day on other websites.

Another way to restrict internet exposure is to have screen-time rules for movies and online shows. Parents can decide on screen time for viewing movies and entertainment shows, and they can set time limits based on age. For example, parents could allow 6-12 years old children to watch one hour of gadgets’ screen time per night, with no more than two hours of screen time per day. Young children (0-5 years old) would be limited to 30 minutes of screen time each day, and 5-8 years old kids would be allowed an hour of screen time each day.

The internet is a potent tool, and kids today are no exception. In this essay on internet influence for kids in English, we have explained the pros and cons of using the internet and ways to limit internet usage for kids. For more kids learning activities, such as stories and poems , visit BYJU’S website.

Frequently Asked Questions

How can parents restrict children’s misuse or overuse of the internet.

Many software tools are available to restrict children’s use of the internet to only child friendly websites. Also, parents can place reasonable restrictions on the time children spend on surfing the internet, watching videos and playing online games.

How to reduce the online influence on kids?

You can reduce the online influence on kids by educating them about the dangers of the internet. Teach them how to use platforms safely and responsibly, and talk to them about the importance of privacy online. Encourage children to get involved in offline activities as well. Playing together, participating in sports, and joining clubs can provide opportunities for social interaction that are healthy for both children and adults alike.

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COMMENTS

  1. Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

    Conclusion: Striking the Balance. In conclusion, the exposure to television and internet is a complex issue requiring careful navigation. It's crucial to harness the potential of these technologies while remaining vigilant of their risks. As digital citizens, we must strive to use these tools responsibly, promoting their positive aspects and ...

  2. Essay on these days exposure to television and internet 100-500 words

    Essay on these days exposure to television and internet: In today's digital age, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our

  3. IELTS essay These days exposure to television and internet is having

    These days exposure to television and internet is having bad influence on children. TV is a bad influence on kids, because children who watch more TV are more likely to be overweight. For example, researchers Klesges, Shelton found that while watching television, the metabolic rate is slower than when just resting.

  4. Television has a negative influence on kids and should be limited

    Television is a negative influence on kids and therefore TV watching must be limited. This essay was written by a student in Katherine Cohen's 7th-grade English class at Greenberg Elementary in Northeast Philadelphia. The students were assigned the task of writing a persuasive letter. Some of those letters have been revised by the students ...

  5. Nowadays television and the Internet have a greater ...

    People have different views about whether parents still have a predominant influence on children these days. Although I agree that modern technologies have a noticable effect on young people's actions, I believe that parents still play the most important role in shaping their kids' behaviour | Band: 7.5

  6. Effects of television viewing on child development

    effects of television viewing on child development, highly contested topic within child development and psychology involving the consequences for children from the content of and the duration of their exposure to television (TV) programming. The effects of television viewing on child development have aroused a range of reactions from researchers, parents, and politicians that has fueled a ...

  7. The effects of television on child health: implications and

    The exposure of American children and adolescents to television continues to exceed the time they spend in the classroom: 15 000 hours versus 12 000 hours by the time they graduate. 1 According to recent Nielsen data, the average child and/or adolescent watches an average of nearly three hours of television per day. 2 These numbers have not decreased significantly over the past 10 years. 3 By ...

  8. Essay on Television for Students and Children

    Firstly, we see how television is airing inappropriate content which promotes all types of social evils like violence, eve-teasing and more. Secondly, it is also harmful to our health. If you spend hours in front of the television, your eyesight will get weak. Your posture will cause pain in your neck and back as well.

  9. Constantly Connected: How Media Use Can Affect Your Child

    Exposure to light (particularly blue light) and stimulating content from screens can delay or disrupt sleep and have a negative effect on school. Obesity. Excessive screen use and having a TV in the bedroom can increase the risk of obesity. Watching TV for more than 1.5 hours daily is a risk factor for obesity for children 4 through 9 years of age.

  10. The Influence of Television, Video Games, and the Internet on Children

    For many children, substantial amounts of time are devoted almost every day to screen media, including television viewing, video game play, and online Internet activities. This chapter discusses exposure to these types of media activities and some of the ways they influence creativity.

  11. 1. Children's engagement with digital devices, screen time

    The use of the internet and the adoption of mobile devices like smartphones and tablets is widespread, and digital technologies play a significant role in the everyday lives of American families. This is also true for children, who may begin interacting with digital devices at young ages. In March, Pew Research Center asked parents a series of questions about their children under the age of 12 ...

  12. Essay on the Effect of Television on Young Children

    And the answer was from the TV.Zimmerman and Christakis in their research Children's Television Viewing and Cognitive Outcomes they mention that toddlers at the age of 3 watched TV at an average of 2.2 hours daily. While from ages 3 to 5 years the average increases to 3.3 hours daily. (Zimmerman & Christakis, 2005)

  13. Impact of media use on children and youth

    The influence of the media on the psychosocial development of children is profound. Thus, it is important for physicians to discuss with parents their child's exposure to media and to provide guidance on age-appropriate use of all media, including television, radio, music, video games and the Internet. The objectives of this statement are to ...

  14. Electronic Media Exposure and Use among Toddlers

    INTRODUCTION. These days, young children are exposed to a wide range of smart devices (e.g., smartphones and tablet computers) and their usage of smart devices is rapidly increasing worldwide [1-3].Recent results showing that 70-80% of under-fives in the UK use smart devices [].According to Common Sense Media results, 72% of children aged 0-8 used digital tools in 2013, compared with 38% ...

  15. Essay on Internet Influence for Kids

    When we think of the internet, most of us probably think of websites we visit daily - Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, or YouTube. But the internet is not limited to these, and it has far-reaching consequences for kids. In this essay on internet influence for kids, we will explore how the internet shapes the way kids think and act. Kids today ...

  16. Young children and screen-based media: The impact on cognitive and

    1. Introduction. Over the past years, young children (0-5 years of age) have been engaging more and more in screen-based activities using various devices, e.g., television, smartphones, or tablets, which are now part of their day-to-day lives (Chen and Adler, 2019, Kabali et al., 2015, Madigan et al., 2020; Common Sense Media, 2013).This increase has been even more pronounced due to COVID-19 ...

  17. Early Television Exposure and Children's Behavioral and Social Outcomes

    The percentage of children who watched TV 4 hours or more per day was 29.4% at age 18 months, 24.5% at age 30 months, and 21% at both ages. Hyperactivity-inattention at age 30 months was positively associated with TV exposure at age 18 months, whereas prosocial behavior was negatively associated with hours of exposure even after adjustment.

  18. Television and the Internet Have a Greater Influence on Children's

    Television and the Internet Have a Greater Influence on Children's Behavior Than Their Parents IELTS Writing Task 2 has three sample answers provided below. It requires candidates to answer a simple question with argumentative statements. The sample answers have an introduction and body. The introduction provides a brief about the given topic.

  19. Full article: Digital media vs mainstream media: Exploring the

    Response categories ranged from (1 = everyday; 2 = 5 to 6 days a week; 3 = 3 to 4 days a week; 4 = 1 to 2 days a week). Information Preference : To measure the type of information respondents prefer to access on both mainstream and digital media, they were first asked what type of information they usually access on mainstream and digital media.

  20. Is Television a Bad Influence on Children Free Essay Example

    Children love to watch TV and prefer to stay "glued" to the TV screen all day, rather than playing outside. In the USA, 47% of children ages 2 to 18 years have a television set in their bedrooms. On a typical day, they spend on average of 5. 5 hours using media, including television, computer games and the Internet (Kaiser Family Foundation ...

  21. Essay Negative Effects of Television on Children

    After children have watched these television shows, they may have interpreted the meaning into a negative behavior. It could influence them by becoming aggressive, afraid of the world that surrounds them, or it may lead to confusion. When it is said that children may become confused because their parents teach that violence is wrong.

  22. Effect of Media Exposure on Social Development in Children

    Results. In regard to media exposure time, 63.5% of the social developmental delay patients were exposed to media for more than 2 hours a day compared to 18.8% of the control group (P < .001, [OR] = 8.12).In the risk factor analysis of media exposure on social development, male gender, media exposure before 2 years of age, exposure for more than 2 hours, and exposure alone without parents were ...

  23. These days exposure to television and internet essay

    These days, exposure to television and the internet is a common part of our lives. They are powerful tools that provide information and entertainment. Television Exposure. Television is a source of learning and amusement. It offers a variety of shows, from educational programs to cartoons, which can influence a child's thoughts and behavior.