between the two countries had developed into an important issue. The leaders of France, Britain, the USA and the Soviet Union intended to discuss a . Their meeting did not result in a to this issue.
. . The failed in 1961 brought the USA and the Soviet Union closer to direct war.Many historians believe that the . The events brought the world to the brink of nuclear warfare. It was a and cause a 'thaw' in .
The Cuban Missile Crisis was a result of decades of tension between the USA and the Soviet Union
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. informed Kennedy that approaching Soviet ships could be carrying | between the USA and the Soviet Union. Castro publicly announced that he was a . Kennedy warned Khrushchev not to place nuclear weapons on Cuba | Since 1945, US-Soviet relations had been tense. . The USA and the Soviet Union developed powerful nuclear weapons that could destroy the world |
Khrushchev decided to place nuclear weapons in Cuba because:
NATO had missiles pointing at the Soviet Union in Turkey . The Soviet Union wanted the USA to experience what this nuclear threat felt like. Khrushchev may have wanted the missiles removed from Turkey
Khrushchev was under political pressure in the Soviet Union. His colleagues saw him as a weak leader after the building of the Berlin Wall in 1961 . A victory in Cuba could restore his power and reputation
The Soviet Union became increasingly worried about the military power of the USA . Khrushchev needed Cuba to remain communist to strengthen the Soviet Union
Missiles in Cuba worried the USA
Soviet missiles on Cuba had significant political consequences for the USA . The US government felt determined to stop the Soviet missiles from arriving in Cuba
The US Defence Secretary , Robert McNamara, told Kennedy that the Soviet missiles would become operational two weeks after their arrival . This gave Kennedy time pressure to make his decision about how to react to missiles in Cuba
A concept map showing the three options available to the USA over the issue of Cuba in 1962
Before making a decision, Kennedy had to consider:
How the American public would react to missiles on Cuba. Little to no reaction by the US government could cause widespread panic in the USA
How his decision would affect election results. Elections for the US Congress were in November. If Kennedy failed to deal with the situation in Cuba effectively, it would damage the success of his political colleagues, the Democrats
The impact of his decision on other Cold War issues . Kennedy worried that a strong reaction to Cuba would encourage Khrushchev to become more aggressive over the issue of Berlin
Kennedy had limited options to deal with Cuba
The US government had already attempted an invasion of Cuba during the Bay of Pigs incident in 1961
Kennedy knew that this would be unpopular in Cuba and may cause a major conflict within the country.
Bombing Cuba would make the USA look aggressive
Depending on the bomb that the USA used, it could cause a significant number of civilian deaths in Cuba
The Cold War was a war of propaganda
Kennedy had to make the best decision that would not damage the USA's reputation internationally
The 'Thirteen Days' refers to the period of 16th October to 28th October 1962
Between these 13 days, the world became the closest it had ever been to nuclear war
Kennedy made a series of decisions about how to deal with the missile sites in Cuba
A flow diagram showing the progression of the Cuban Missile Crisis in the Thirteen Days of 16th October to 28th October 1962
The Soviet ships' reluctance to break the naval blockade of Cuba was a key moment in the Cuban Missile Crisis
Kennedy had prepared the US military to sink the Soviet ships. This would have triggered a war between the USA and the Soviet Union
The actions of the Soviet ships proved that the Soviet Union was unwilling to cause direct armed conflict with the USA
The events of the Thirteen Days shocked the world
Kennedy's announcement had warned the US public about the possibility of nuclear warfare if the Soviet ships ignored the blockade
Internationally, people became even more afraid of the threat of nuclear warfare
Students are often overwhelmed by the amount of events that happened in a short space of time in the Cuban Missile Crisis. This revision note displays these events in a flow diagram and in a timeline. This should help you visualise how one event triggered the next event to happen. Knowing the order of the events in the Thirteen Days is crucial if a question asks you to write a narrative account of the Cuban Missile Crisis.
On 26th October, Khrushchev telegrammed Kennedy to resolve the issue of missiles in Cuba
He promised to remove the missile launch pads from Cuba if Kennedy promised not to invade the country
The next day (27th October), Kennedy received a further request from Khrushchev
Khrushchev added that he wanted the USA to remove the NATO missiles from Turkey
Kennedy's brother, Robert, secretly met with the Soviet ambassador in Washington
They verbally agreed to the removal of the US missiles in Turkey
The Hawks in the US government pressured Kennedy to go to war over Cuba
Kennedy refused to succumb to this pressure
By 28th October, Kennedy and Khrushchev had resolved the Cuban Missile Crisis
Kennedy agreed not to invade Cuba in return for the removal of the missile launch pads in the country
The US public had no knowledge of the removal of the US missiles in Turkey
While both countries continued to threaten war, the Cuban Missile Crisis made the world safer
Khrushchev and Kennedy faced pressure from their government and the public to start a full-scale war with each other. They did not do this
The USA and the Soviet Union had more motivation to avoid a situation like the Cuban Missile Crisis from occurring again
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The 'hotline' (June 1963) | Moscow and Washington established a with each other. This improved communication between the USA and the Soviet Union |
The Test Ban Treaty (August 1963) | Signed by the USA, the Soviet Union and Britain. The treaty . This treaty slowed down the nuclear |
The Outer Space Treaty (1967) | The USA and the Soviet Union agreed . It also banned placing nuclear weapons in . This helped to control the developing between the two countries |
The Nuclear Treaty (1968) | Signed by the USA, the Soviet Union, Britain and 59 other countries. The treaty formalised a promise to |
The Cuban Missile Crisis had significant impacts on Kennedy and Khrushchev
Kennedy's popularity increased
The US public believed that Kennedy had dealt with the Cuban Missile Crisis effectively. Kennedy looked stronger as the removal of US missiles in Turkey was unknown to the public
Kennedy had stood up against the Hawks in his government. The Cuban Missile Crisis had proved that he was a strong leader
Kennedy gained more confidence in dealing with the Soviet Union
Khrushchev's popularity decreased
While Khrushchev interpreted the Cuban Missile Crisis as a success for the Soviet Union, his military did not. His government believed that Khrushchev had humiliated the country by withdrawing their missiles from Cuba
Leonid Brezhnev ousted Khrushchev from power in 1964
Overall, US-Soviet relations improved
Explain one consequence of the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962)
One consequence of the Cuban Missile Crisis was better regulation of nuclear weapons (1) . The Cuban Missile Crisis had shown how dangerous the nuclear arms race had been. When the Soviet Union planned to place missiles on Cuba, it showed the US public the real threat of nuclear technology. If ICBMs had been placed in Cuba, the Soviet Union could have destroyed every major city in the USA (2) . When nuclear war was avoided in 1962, it highlighted to the world the need to control the testing and production of nuclear weapons. For example, the Test Ban Treaty (August 1963) and The Outer Space Treaty (1967) restricted where nuclear weapons could be tested. This made the possibility of nuclear warfare between the USA and the Soviet Union less likely (1) .
In this example, you can see the development of wider knowledge of the period. The example has linked the development of ICBMs to the Cuban Missile Crisis. The existence of this type of nuclear weapon is significant to understanding why the Cuban Missile Crisis increased tensions between the USA and the Soviet Union. This answer would not be effective if it only discussed ICBMs. The example is linked back to the consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis in the creation of the Test Ban Treaty (August 1963) and The Outer Space Treaty (1967) to help better regulate nuclear weapons.
In a Superpower Relations exam paper, this question would ask for two consequences . As a result, this question is worth 8 marks.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis was a political standoff between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In 1962, American spy planes discovered Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba, just 90 miles from the US. President John F. Kennedy demanded that the Soviets remove the missiles, and the world watched anxiously as the two superpowers engaged in a tense standoff. Eventually, the Soviets backed down and removed the missiles, averting a nuclear war. The crisis is widely regarded as the closest the world ever came to a nuclear war, and remains a landmark event in the history of the Cold War.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis was one of the most significant single events in Cold War history. It started with installing Soviet nuclear missiles on Cuba supported by the revolutionary leader Fidel Castro, which was discovered on October 14, 1962, by an American spy plane. The reason for this measure was the desire of the Soviets to increase the country’s nuclear strike capability. This occasion evoked the concerns of President John F. Kennedy regarding national security, and he called together the executive committee to “orchestrate their removal without initiating a wider conflict–and possibly a nuclear war” (History.com Editors). In this way, the principal participants in the matter were President John F. Kennedy with his advisors, Fidel Castro, Nikita Khrushchev, and the Soviet Ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Dobrynin. Their successful attempts to negotiate the problem allowed overcoming it and preventing the emergence of similar issues in the future.
The events of this crisis represented a series of communications between the Soviets and the American officials. They began with the discovery of missiles by the United States and the public warning to the Soviet Union, which was ignored. In response, President Kennedy discussed the options with his advisors and made a decision to order what he called a quarantine, which was, in fact, a blockade. The following search for “any remaining diplomatic resolutions” led to a compromise between the two leaders, according to which the missiles were dismantled (Office of the Historian). In turn, the United States also removed their missiles from Turkey but secretly, whereas the publicly known decision was to end quarantine. The consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis were establishing a direct telephone link between the Soviet Union and the United States and signing a nuclear Test Ban Treaty. In this way, it can be viewed as an example of a peaceful resolution of similar conflicts.
History.com Editors. “Cuban Missile Crisis.” History, 2019, Web.
Office of the Historian. “The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962.” Foreign Service Institute, Web.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 represents a precarious pinnacle of Cold War tensions, as the United States and the Soviet Union teetered on the brink of nuclear conflict. Essays could delve into the chronological unfolding of events, exploring the political and military maneuvering that characterized this thirteen-day standoff. They might also discuss the key figures involved, and how their decisions shaped the course and outcome of the crisis. Discussions might extend to the implications of the Cuban Missile Crisis on U.S.-Soviet relations, nuclear diplomacy, and global geopolitics, analyzing how it led to a re-evaluation of brinkmanship and a subsequent thaw in Cold War tensions. The discourse may also touch on the lessons learned from the crisis, exploring its relevance in contemporary discussions of nuclear proliferation and international relations. A substantial compilation of free essay instances related to Cuban Missile Crisis you can find in Papersowl database. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.
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Dates : | Oct 16, 1962 – Oct 28, 1962 |
Location : | Cuba, Caribbean Sea |
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The cuban missile crisis.
On October 14th 1962, an American U-2 spy plane completed a relatively routine run over the island of Cuba, taking reconnaissance photographs (see picture) from an altitude of 12 miles. When the film was developed it revealed evidence of missiles being assembled and erected on Cuban soil. CIA and military analysts identified them as Soviet medium-range ballistic missiles, capable of carrying nuclear warheads. The presence of these weapons in neighbouring Cuba meant the Soviets could launch attacks on locations in the southern and eastern United States. This would give the Soviet Union a first-strike capacity, giving cities like Washington DC, New York and Philadelphia just a few minutes’ warning. President John F. Kennedy was briefed about the missiles four days later (October 18th). By the end of the day, Kennedy had formed an ‘executive committee’ (EXCOMM), a 13-man team to monitor and assess the situation and formulate response options. EXCOMM’s members included vice-president Lyndon Johnson, Kennedy’s brother Robert, defence secretary Robert McNamara and other advisors from the military and Department of State.
Over the next few days, Kennedy and EXCOMM weighed their options. They agreed that the US could not tolerate the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba. Diplomatic pressure on the Soviets to withdraw the missiles was also ruled out. Advice from EXCOMM suggested the Soviets would respond poorly to belligerent language or actions. An offer of exchange, such as the withdrawal or dismantling of US missile bases in Europe, might make the Kennedy administration appear weak, handing the Russians a propaganda victory. Kennedy’s military hierarchs recommended an airstrike to destroy the missiles, followed by a ground invasion of Cuba to eliminate Fidel Castro and his regime. But Kennedy – now more wary of military advice since the failed Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba – wanted to avoid a military confrontation with the Soviet Union. Instead, he authorised a naval blockade of the island. The US would draw a firm line around Cuba while seeking to avoid hostile action that risked triggering a nuclear war.
On October 22nd, Kennedy addressed the nation by television, announcing a “quarantine” of the Cuban island. He also said his administration would regard any missile attack launched from Cuba as an attack by the USSR, necessitating a full retaliatory response. Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev described Kennedy’s quarantine as a “pirate action” and informed Kennedy by telegram that Soviet ships would ignore it. Kennedy reminded Khrushchev that the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba breached an earlier promise by the Soviet government. US Navy warships initiated their quarantine of Cuba. They allowed some small freighters through but stopped larger vessels for inspection, finding no military equipment. Meanwhile, American U-2s continued their missions over Cuba, flying every two hours. These overflights reported no pause or slow-down in the assembly of Soviet missiles.
There was no change in the situation after four days of quarantine. Kennedy came under pressure from his generals, who urged an airstrike to destroy the missiles before they became operational. At this point, a military confrontation between the US and USSR seemed almost inevitable, generating fear about a possible nuclear exchange. All levels of government hastily organised civil defence measures such as public bomb shelters; in most cases, these were capable of sheltering barely one-third of the population. Some citizens constructed their own shelters and stockpiled tinned food and other necessities. Many gathered in prayer in their local churches. Others packed up their belongings and took extended vacations with family members in remote areas where nuclear missiles were less likely to fall. In Soviet Russia, press censorship meant that most citizens were largely unaware of the crisis unfolding in the Caribbean.
The stalemate was broken by a series of developments across two days. On October 25th Adlai Stevenson, the US ambassador to the United Nations, confronted the Soviet ambassador in the Security Council with photographic evidence of the Cuban missiles. Given their previous denials, this publicly exposed Soviet dishonesty during the crisis. Around this time the White House also received a backroom offer to resolve the crisis, passed to a Washington reporter by a Soviet agent. On October 26th, the US State Department received a long, rambling letter, purportedly from Khrushchev. This letter promised to withdraw the Cuban missiles, provided the US pledged to never attack or invade Cuba. A follow-up message proposed a more direct exchange: the removal of the Cuban missiles, in return for the removal of American Jupiter missiles from Turkey and Italy. Kennedy agreed to this, provided the deal was not made public. The arrangement was finalised on the evening of October 27th, though it almost fell through after an American U-2 was shot down over Cuba by a Soviet surface-to-air missile. Kennedy resisted considerable pressure from his generals to retaliate. It later emerged the Soviets in Cuba had fired on the U-2 without authorisation from Moscow.
“The die was cast when the president met with his Executive Committee in the Oval Room at 2.30pm. It was a long and, toward the end, an unexpectedly bitter session. The choices put toward Kennedy that afternoon were two: begin with the naval blockade and, if need be, move up the ladder of military responses, rung by rung; or begin with an air strike then move almost certainly to a full-scale invasion of Cuba… The president paused gravely before speaking his mind. He said that he preferred to start with limited action. An air attack, he felt, was the wrong way to start… Kennedy was still expecting a Soviet move against Berlin, whatever happened in Cuba.” Elie Abel, journalist
The Cuban missile crisis was arguably the ‘hottest’ point of the Cold War, the closest the world has come to nuclear destruction. As US Secretary of State Dean Rusk noted toward the end of the crisis, “We were eyeball to eyeball and the other guy just blinked”. Information revealed years later suggested that the crisis could easily have deteriorated into a nuclear exchange. Soviet officers in Cuba were equipped with about 100 tactical nuclear weapons – and the authority to use them if attacked. Castro, convinced that an American invasion was imminent, urged both Khrushchev and Soviet commanders in Cuba to launch a pre-emptive strike against the US. And during the naval quarantine, a US destroyer dropped depth charges on a Soviet submarine which, unbeknownst to the Americans, was armed with a 15 kiloton nuclear missile and authority to use it. Given that several Soviet officers were authorised to fire nuclear weapons of their own accord, Kennedy’s delicate handling of the situation seems judicious. In the wake of the crisis, the Soviets reorganised their command structure and nuclear launch protocols, while the White House and Kremlin installed a ‘hotline’ to ensure direct communication in the event of a similar emergency.
1. The Cuban missile crisis unfolded in October 1962, following the discovery by US spy planes of Soviet missile sites being installed on nearby Cuba.
2. Missiles in Cuba gave the Soviet Union a ‘first-strike’ capacity. Unwilling to tolerate this, President Kennedy formed a committee to orchestrate their removal.
3. Considering all options from diplomatic pressure to an airstrike or invasion, EXCOMM settled on a naval “quarantine” of all Soviet ships sailing to Cuba.
4. The Cuban crisis and the US blockade carried a significant risk of military confrontation between the US and USSR, with the consequent risk of nuclear war.
5. The crisis was eventually resolved through a secret deal, in which the Soviets withdrew the Cuban missiles in return for the withdrawal of American Jupiter missiles from Turkey and Italy.
A CIA appraisal of the political, economic and military situation in Cuba (August 1962) A CIA report on the Soviet-backed military build up in Cuba (September 1962) US intelligence report says the installation of Soviet missiles in Cuba is unlikely (September 1962) The first intelligence reports of Soviet ballistic missiles in Cuba (October 1962) An evaluation of the Soviet missile threat in Cuba, by US intelligence bodies (October 1962) Kennedy and his advisors discuss a response to the Cuban missiles (October 1962) President John F Kennedy announces a naval quarantine of Cuba (October 1962) Castro responds to Kennedy’s announcement of a blockade (October 1962) Adlai Stevenson confronts Soviet ambassador Zorin in the UN Security Council (October 1962) Khrushchev’s letter to Kennedy urging a resolution of the crisis (October 1962) Delegates from the US and USSR debate the Cuban missile crisis in the UN (October 1962) Kennedy’s alternative speech announcing an attack on Cuba (October 1962) The Missiles of October (1974 film) Thirteen Days (2000 film) Robert McNamara reflects on the Cuban missile crisis (2003)
Content on this page is © Alpha History 2018. This content may not be republished or distributed without permission. For more information please refer to our Terms of Use . This page was written by Jennifer Llewellyn, Jim Southey and Steve Thompson. To reference this page, use the following citation: J. Llewellyn et al, “The Cuban missile crisis”, Alpha History, accessed [today’s date], https://alphahistory.com/coldwar/cuban-missile-crisis/.
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Cuban Missile Crisis
The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 presents an integrated, comprehensive record of U.S. decisionmaking during the most dangerous U.S.-Soviet confrontation in the nuclear era. Some 3,400 unique records relevant to the crisis, totalling approximately 17,500 pages, are reproduced in the microfiche. Much of the documentation focuses on U.S. decisionmaking during what Robert Kennedy called the “Thirteen Days” of the missile crisisfrom McGeorge Bundy’s October 16, 1962 briefing of President Kennedy on the discovery of Soviet missiles in Cuba to Nikita Khrushchev’s October 28 decision to withdraw the weapons. The numerous intelligence reports, diplomatic cables, political analyses, military situation reports, and meeting minutes included in the set portray both the deliberative process and the execution of critical decisions made by the Kennedy administration during the crisis.
In order to place the missile crisis in its historical perspective, many of the documents in the collection describe the events which formed the immediate backdrop to the crisis: the United States’ renewed attempts to overthrow Fidel Castro following the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961; U.S. and Soviet nuclear capabilities and doctrine in the early 1960s; the deployment of U.S. IRBMs to forward bases in Europe; and increasing concern in the Kennedy administration over the resurgence of Soviet military aid to Cuba in the summer of 1962. Documentation focussing on two significant events which defined United States relations with Cuba and the Soviet Union in 1961the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Berlin crisishave been excluded from the collection. First, a focus on the missile crisis itself was necessary in order to guarantee the intellectual coherence of the set. Second, the volume of documentation available on the Bay of Pigs and Berlin made it difficult to identify a usable number of key documents that could be extracted for inclusion in this collection. (A separate document collection produced by the National Security Archive on the Berlin Crises, 1958-1962, is forthcoming.)Contrary to many published accounts of the Cuban missile crisis, the dispute did not immediately end with the Soviet decision on October 28 to remove the missiles from Cuba. For three more weeks, tensions between the United States, Cuba, and the Soviet Union ran high over several unresolved issues. The documents in the collection trace negotiations held in November 1962 over verification of the missile withdrawal, the U.S. non-invasion”guarantee,” and the question of Soviet IL-28 bombers and troops remaining on the island. To provide intellectual coherence to the collection, documents in the set also cover the effect of the crisis on overall U.S. policy toward Cuba during the remainder of the Kennedy administration. Finally, the Cuban Missile Crisis Project has collected several official retrospective studies of the missile crisis, including a 200-page Department of State internal history of the crisis, comprehensive reports describing the actions of military commands and units during the missile crisis, and records relating to reviews of the Kennedy-Khrushchev understanding produced in the 1970s and 1980s
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The cuban missile crisis – a model of crisis management.
A Biblical proverb says, "… by wise guidance, and in the abundance of counselors, there is victory." 1 It is obviously believed by many leaders, especially when faced with situations or problems that demand expedient, careful, thorough analysis and thought to aid the decision-making process and render the appropriate response or solution. This style of crisis
Fidel Castro
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During the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, a Soviet submarine, B-59, came dangerously close to launching a nuclear torpedo at U.S. forces due to relentless pressure from American depth charges.
Summary and Key Points: During the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, a Soviet submarine, B-59, came dangerously close to launching a nuclear torpedo at U.S. forces due to relentless pressure from American depth charges.
-Captain Valentin Savitsky, believing war had started, ordered the launch.
-However, the protocol required unanimous approval from the submarine’s officers. Vasili Arkhipov, the flotilla commodore, refused to consent, persuading Savitsky to surface instead.
-This crucial decision prevented a potential nuclear conflict. Arkhipov's restraint and judgment are credited with averting a global catastrophe during one of the tensest moments of the Cold War.
The Cuban Missile Crisis is most commonly conveyed as the story of U.S.-Soviet diplomatic and military posturing that brought the world to the brink of nuclear annihilation over a thirteen-day span in October 1962. But even as President John F. Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khruschev raced to avert the abyss of destruction in a series of hurried of negotiations, a Soviet submarine off Florida’s coast came within a hair's breadth of plunging the world into a nuclear catastrophe-- but for the actions of a lone Soviet navy officer.
In early 1962, the Soviet security establishment devised a daring plan to counter the first-strike threat posed by the presence of U.S. Jupiter Medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBM) in Turkey. Operation Anadyr, colorfully described by Khruschev as “putting one of our hedgehogs down the Americans’ trousers,” entailed the transfer and deployment of three nuclear-capable R-12 MRBM and two R-14 intermediate-range ballistic missile (ICBM) battalions, among numerous other types of weapons ranging from tank divisions to missile boats, to Fidel Castro’s Cuba.
Operation Anadyr was, down to the name itself, designed around a series of clever diplomatic, military, and logistical ruses that successfully concealed the cross-continental movement of tons of Soviet military hardware in Washington’s backyard. Once in Cuba, however, the nuclear missile installations were quickly discovered and extensively photographed by U-2 and F-8 surveillance planes; the crisis began in earnest on October 22, when President Kennedy moved to impose a blockade, which he called a “quarantine” for diplomatic expediency, on Cuba.
The blockade created a steel ring around four diesel-electric Foxtrot-class submarines-- the B-4, B-36, B-130, and B-59, each armed with one nuclear-capable T-5 torpedo and boasting a total capacity of 22 torpedoes spread across 10 tubes. These vessels were dispatched to the Cuban port of Mariel at the beginning of October, to provide the Castro regime with a nuclear-armed missile submarine deterrent against a prospective US invasion.
All four vessels were detected , partly as a result of numerous malfunctions sustained from being ordered to travel to Cuba at a breakneck speed of 10 knots, and partly due to ill-advised radio communication practices. The anti-submarine warfare (ASW) forces of the U.S. Navy set out to hunt the four Soviet submarines, unaware that they could be carrying nuclear payloads. The ASW was under strict orders not to use anything other than practice depth charges (PDC), low-powered explosive devices meant to signal to hostile submarine operators that they had been spotted. Soviet high command was alerted to these signals, but subsequent research has shown that this knowledge never trickled down to the four Soviet submarine commanders; indeed, each one of the four captains perceived the PDC detonations as hostile military actions.
Despite the risks inherent in these methods, two of the four submarines were successfully forced to surface and left Cuban waters without a direct confrontation; another stayed submerged for long enough to lose the ASW patrol and return home. But the captain of the B-59, Valentin Savitsky, insisted on calling the ASW’s bluff, refusing to surface in spite of his ship’s depleted battery. After four days of nonstop PDC shelling, internal temperatures had shot up to intolerable levels and crew members were beginning to faint from oxygen deprivation.
Gripped by paranoia and cut off from Moscow, Captain Savitstky concluded that the war had already begun and that the only honorable way out was to fire the B-59’s nuclear warhead at their ASW pursuers: “We’re gonna blast them now! We will die, but we will sink them all – we will not become the shame of the fleet,” he exclaimed to his exhausted crew.
The B-52 was already cleared by Moscow to use any force that is deemed necessary, but protocol required all officers aboard the vessel to unanimously approve the decision to deploy nuclear warheads. The ship’s political officer, Ivan Maslennikov, gave his consent. This would normally have been all that’s required to initiate a chain of events likely culminating in a third world war. As it happens, there was a third officer aboard the B-59 on that fateful day: Vasili Arkhipov, second captain of the B-59 and commodore of the entire Cuban submarine flotilla. Witness accounts report that Arkhipov single-handedly stonewalled the nuclear torpedo launch, convincing Savitsky to surface and await further orders from Moscow.
The B-59 finally emerged, surrounded by U.S. warships and helicopters, flying the Soviet flag and demanding that the ASW patrol stop their “provocative actions.” The crew was gaunt and harried, but not defeated-- they could perhaps be forgiven for indulging in an obstinate pride, having persisted until the very last moment in the face of hellish living conditions and unrelenting military pressure.
Then there is Arkhipov, who retained his presence of mind in the direst circumstances and refused to follow his colleagues into delirious martyrdom. There is, admittedly, little comfort in the notion that one man’s chance intervention was all that stood in the way of a conflagration that could have spiraled into a global nuclear war. And yet, the world bears a debt of gratitude for his stubborn refusal to succumb to baser instincts; for looking into the abyss, and having the restraint to recoil at what he saw. In that sense, we could use more Arkhipovs.
Dr. Mark Episkopos was a frequent contributor to The National Interest and a former research assistant at the Center for the National Interest as well as reporter for the National Interest.
The Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union lasted for decades and resulted in anti-communist suspicions and international incidents that led two superpowers to the brink of nuclear disaster.
The Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union lasted for decades and resulted in anti-communist suspicions and international incidents that led the two superpowers to the brink of nuclear disaster.
The Cold War In the years after World War II ended, events at home and abroad seemed to many Americans to prove that the “Red menace” was real. In August 1949, for instance, the Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb. Later that year, Communist forces declared victory in the Chinese Civil War and established […]
The Red Scare was hysteria over the perceived threat posed by Communists in the U.S. during the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States, which intensified in the late 1940s and early 1950s.
Red Scare Following the Russian Revolution in 1917, America was on high alert, fearing Communist revolutionaries on their own shores. The Sedition Act of 1918, which was an expansion of the 1917 Espionage Act, was a direct result of the paranoia. Targeting those who criticized the government, the Sedition Act set into motion an effort […]
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Russian President Vladimir Putin is aiming to "invoke the historical memory of the Cuban Missile Crisis" by moving nuclear capable war ships into the waters of the Caribbean, according to an assessment published Thursday by a U.S. think tank. Earlier in the week it was revealed that Moscow would be sending several Russian ships and support vessels into the Caribbean for a military exercise. The Admiral Gorshkov frigate, the Kazan nuclear-powered cruise missile submarine, the Academic Pashin replenishment oiler, and the Nikolai Chiker rescue tub are the four vessels scheduled...
June 6th, 2024
June 5th, 2024
From the left, from the center, from the right.
by JANAE BOWENS | The National Desk
WASHINGTON (TND) — The Biden Administration is relaxing some economic sanctions against Cuba. The move allows private business owners in Cuba to access U.S. banks and online payment systems for the first time since the 1960s.
Restrictions were in place because, in 1959, Fidel Castro overthrew Cuba's U.S.-backed government and established a socialist state instead.
The change is being made because Biden Administration officials say they want to "support the evolution of a freer, more open society in Cuba."
These steps follow upon an announcement that was made in May 16th, 2022, which concluded several measures to support the evolution of a freer, more open society in Cuba. One of the steps mentioned at that time was increasing support for independent Cuban entrepreneurs. And we recognize that this is a growing and dynamic sector of economic activity in Cuba, where people are gaining greater independence from the state, and we felt that it was essential as part of the Biden administration’s Cuba policy to ensure that this sector continues to expand and is supported.
Increasing opportunities for independent Cuban entrepreneurs is a critical tenet of our overall Cuba policy, and today we are amending the Cuban Assets Control Regulations which are managed by the Office of Foreign Assets Control at Treasury to implement aspects of this policy to support entrepreneurship and free enterprise in Cuba.
At the same time, the Administration admits the "communist experiment in Cuba has failed," and Cuba is in crisis.
The international organization, Human Rights Watch paints a bleak picture of the issues in Cuba. The group claims Cuba's government continues to quell and punish protesters who have been speaking out against the COVID-19 response, lack of food and medicines, blackouts, shortages, crumbling living conditions, and other established restrictions on their rights. As a result, many Cubans are leaving their country.
However, the Biden Administration reports Cuba has allowed for more small and medium-sized businesses in the past few years with more than 11,000 registered on the island. Cuba's private sector now employs one-third of the citizens.
Cuban American Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar, R-Fla., said the decision makes the U.S. appear foolish.
“As I warned, the Biden Admin is now giving the ‘Cuban private sector’ access to the U.S. financial system,” Rep. Salazar wrote on X. “This would make a mockery of American law, considering no progress has been made toward freedom on the Island and repression has intensified.”
There are also concerns seeing as the U.S. still lists Cuba on the State Sponsor Terrorism List.
Johana Tablada, deputy director of the U.S. department in the Cuban Foreign Ministry, told the Associated Press the steps were “limited” and will do little to ease the embargo or sanctions that have most hurt the Cuban people.
“If these measures are serious and truly intended to bring benefits to the population, even if they are going to bring benefits to a part of the population, they will not be hindered by the Cuban government,” Tablada added.
In 1959, Fidel Castro overthrew Cuba's U.S.-backed government and established a socialist state allied with at the time what was the Soviet Union.
According to the Council on Foreign Relations , in 1961, the U.S. severed diplomatic ties with Cuba. The Cuban Missile Crisis started when the Soviet Union secretly installed nuclear missiles on the island following what the Council on Foreign Relations calls a "botched CIA attempt" to overthrow Castro. In October 1962, the U.S. discovered the nuclear missiles which led to a 13-day showdown between the U.S. and the Soviet Union that threatened to turn into a nuclear war. In the end, the Soviet Union withdrew the missiles. The U.S. pledged not to invade Cuba and to remove U.S. nuclear missiles from Turkey.
The policies regarding Cuba have gone back and forth in recent history. President Barack Obama worked to restore diplomatic ties with the communist island and expanded travel and trade. He also took Cuba off of the State Sponsors of Terrorism List. President Donald Trump reversed many of those efforts and hit Cuba with new sanctions and a spot back on that terrorism list. President Joe Biden has loosened some restrictions in the wake of protests and what the Council on Foreign Relations calls a "renewed crackdown by Havana." The U.S. is seeing a surge of Cuban immigrants leading to new challenges for Biden.
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O N COMING to power Jim Hacker, the protagonist of “Yes, Prime Minister”, a British comedy series, asks about the hotline to the Kremlin. It works only “theoretically”, he is told; once they reached a switchboard operator who “didn’t seem to speak much English”. What’s more, using it “tends to create unnecessary panic at the other end”.
The farce springs to mind for those who, these days, urgently try to speak to China about security frictions in Asia, from its “grey-zone” bullying of neighbours over disputed islands and shoals to its wargames around Taiwan. The Philippines has a hotline to China’s foreign ministry. But when it calls to discuss China’s water-blasting of its coastguard ships, the Chinese either do not answer, or say the hotline is not for “complaints”, or accuse the Filipinos of causing trouble. Japan’s defence-ministry hotline has not stopped intensified Chinese probing of contested waters.
America, especially, wants military-to-military (“mil-mil”) communications with China, akin to those of the cold war with the Soviet Union. At a time of deep geopolitical rivalry, with the air and seas in Asia abuzz with military forces, America says open lines of communication would help prevent incidents from sliding into war. China, though, regards military contacts not as prudence but as a favour: granted in times of goodwill and withheld in periods of displeasure.
Mil-mil contacts were halted after a visit to Taiwan by Nancy Pelosi, then Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, in 2022. Chinese jets and warships harassed American ones with risky moves. Now tensions have eased a bit following a summit in San Francisco last November between Joe Biden and Xi Jinping, the American and Chinese presidents. Unsafe encounters are much reduced. Mil-mil meetings are resuming.
That will be a relief for Asia’s defence bigwigs at this week’s Shangri-La Dialogue, an annual talkfest in Singapore. They don’t want to be caught in a war between China, their main economic partner, and America, the security guarantor for many. Last year Lloyd Austin, America’s defence secretary, could merely shake hands with his Chinese counterpart, General Li Shangfu, over dinner. Little matter; General Li was soon purged.
This time Mr Austin is set for a full bilateral with the new man, Admiral Dong Jun. They spoke over video in April. Similarly, America’s chairman of the joint chiefs of staff has had a video call with his opposite number. The Military Maritime Consultative Agreement, a forum on safety at sea, has also resumed.
Nevertheless, any military contact will be halting. For one thing, notes Rush Doshi, until recently a White House official, worsening relations between the mainland and Taiwan could strain mil-mil contacts when they matter most. China recently held two days of “punishment” military exercises, encircling the island, after the inauguration of Taiwan’s new president, Lai Ching-te.
Moreover, the main warfighters—the heads of America’s Indo-Pacific Command and of China’s eastern and southern theatres—have yet to talk. And in China’s hierarchical system, notes Mr Doshi, many of China’s brass will shrink from contact with Americans, fearing it “can only bring trouble”. Pentagon officials assume that “the Chinese will go dark” in the early phase of any crisis. Nevertheless, Americans still think talking is better than not talking; nuances in formulaic Chinese remarks can still yield insights.
For a sense of the dangers, consider the back and forth between American forces and the People’s Liberation Army ( PLA ) as Robin Hsu, a military enthusiast, does from a hilltop in southern Taiwan. Overlooking the vital Bashi Channel, his radio comes alive with a stentorian warning from the PLA to an American jet—probably a “Rivet Joint” surveillance plane nearby: “You have entered airspace over China’s contiguous zone.” Back comes a drawl: “Relaaaaaax! I’m in international airspace.” Minutes later, another warning: “This is Chinese naval warship. You are approaching me. What is your intention?” Plainly, relations are far from relaxed.
Indeed, China uses such risk to warn America: if you don’t want a mishap, pull back. America, by contrast, learned during the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 that risk must be mitigated because superpower confrontations can escalate to nuclear war. All of which prompts some at the Pentagon to ask: does another Cuban missile crisis have to happen before China comes to its senses? ■
This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline “High stakes on the high seas”
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Cuban Missile Crisis Essay. The Cuban Missile Crisis was a 13 day political and military deadlock in 1962 between the United States and the Soviet Union. It appeared that the Soviet Union was installing nuclear missiles in Cuba, and it was the closest the United States has ever came to a nuclear war.
Cuban missile crisis, major confrontation at the height of the Cold War that brought the United States and the Soviet Union to the brink of a shooting war in October 1962 over the presence of Soviet nuclear-armed missiles in Cuba. The crisis was a defining moment in the presidency of John F. Kennedy.
During the Cuban Missile Crisis, leaders of the U.S. and the Soviet Union engaged in a tense, 13-day political and military standoff in October 1962 over the installation of nuclear-armed Soviet ...
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The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 stands as one of the most intense and dangerous episodes of the Cold War era. This essay delves into the multifaceted aspects of the crisis, exploring the causes, the decisions made by key players, and the lessons that have... Crisis. Cuban Missile Crisis. 722 Words | 2 Pages.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis was a political standoff between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In 1962, American spy planes discovered Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba, just 90 miles from the US. President John F. Kennedy demanded that the Soviets remove the missiles, and the world watched anxiously as the two superpowers ...
Words: 308 Pages: 1. The Cuban Missile Crisis was one of the most significant single events in Cold War history. It started with installing Soviet nuclear missiles on Cuba supported by the revolutionary leader Fidel Castro, which was discovered on October 14, 1962, by an American spy plane. The reason for this measure was the desire of the ...
Cuban Missile Crisis Essay examples. The closest the world has come to nuclear war was the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. This was the tense cold war opposition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union had installed nuclear missiles in Cuba, just 90 miles off the coast of the United States.
The Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962 was the closest the world has ever come to nuclear war. The crisis was a major confrontation between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The confrontation was caused by the Soviets putting missiles in Cuba, just 90 miles off the coast of the United States of America.
Soviet Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis The Cuban missile crisis -- that is also referred to as October crisis in Cuba as well as the Caribbean crisis within the Soviet Union -- was the clash between USS/Cuba and the U.S. states for a total of 13 days. The crisis or what most people refer to as a crucial part of the Cold War at the time, primarily happened in October 1962.
Essays. History. The Cuban Missile Crisis was an event occurred in October 1962 when the USA detected that the USSR had deployed medium range missiles in Cuba, which was ninety miles away from Florida. It was the period that the cold war reached its peak because of the possible confrontation between the two superpowers, the US and the USSR, at ...
13 essay samples found. The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 represents a precarious pinnacle of Cold War tensions, as the United States and the Soviet Union teetered on the brink of nuclear conflict. Essays could delve into the chronological unfolding of events, exploring the political and military maneuvering that characterized this thirteen-day ...
The Cuban missile crisis. A cartoon depicting Kennedy and Khrushchev at loggerheads in 1962. On October 14th 1962, an American U-2 spy plane completed a relatively routine run over the island of Cuba, taking reconnaissance photographs (see picture) from an altitude of 12 miles. When the film was developed it revealed evidence of missiles being ...
Published: Jan 15, 2019. The Crisis ended with the Americans managing to remove the Soviet missile's from Cuba while the USSR gained the promise of a non-American invasion ever to happen in Cuba and the removal of the Jupiter missile threat in Turkey. Both nations also benefited with a "Hotline" telephone, as communication during the ...
The Cuban Missile Crisis Essay. The Cuban Missile Crisis bought the world closer to extinction than ever before. It was through the decisive actions of newly elected president John F Kennedy and then premier of the USSR Nikita Khrushchev that the confrontation did not escalate into all out nuclear war. The Cuban Missile Crisis lasted for 13 ...
The Cuban missile crisis began for the United States on the morning of October 16, when President Kennedy was informed of the discovery of missile sites in Cuba by U-2 surveillance aircraft. Kennedy convened an informal group of cabinet officials and top civilian and military advisors (the Ex Comm) to consider and plan an appropriate response.
The Cuban Missile Crisis Essay. The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 presents an integrated, comprehensive record of U.S. decisionmaking during the most dangerous U.S.-Soviet confrontation in the nuclear era. Some 3,400 unique records relevant to the crisis, totalling approximately 17,500 pages, are reproduced in the microfiche.
During the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, a Soviet submarine, B-59, came dangerously close to launching a nuclear torpedo at U.S. forces due to relentless pressure from American depth charges.
The Cold War between Communist-bloc nations and Western allies defined postwar politics. Learn about the Berlin Wall, the Cuban Missile Crisis, NATO, the Space Race and more.
Russian President Vladimir Putin is aiming to "invoke the historical memory of the Cuban Missile Crisis" by moving nuclear capable war ships into the waters of the Caribbean, according to an assessment published Thursday by a U.S. think tank. Earlier in the week it was revealed that Moscow would be sending several Russian ships and support ...
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A person waves a Cuban flag during a gathering marking International Workers' Day at Jose Marti Anti-Imperialist Square in Havana, Cuba, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Ariel Ley) TOPICS: Cuba Biden Administration Sanctions U.S ... The Cuban Missile Crisis started when the Soviet Union secretly installed nuclear missiles on the island ...
America, by contrast, learned during the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 that risk must be mitigated because superpower confrontations can escalate to nuclear war.